Transcript:
Argument of
Solicitor General Erwin Griswold
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Mr.
Solicitor General, the Government’s motion to conduct part of the oral
arguments involving security matters in-camera, as has been done in the
District Court’s of New York and in Washington and in the Courts of
Appeals, in the Second Circuit and the District of Columbia Circuit is
denied for the Court.
Mr. Justice Harlan, Mr. Justice
Blackmun and I would grant a limited
in-camera argument as has been done in all the hearings in these cases
until now.
Under the order, granting the writ
yesterday, counsel may, if they
wish, submit arguments in writing under seal in lieu of the in-camera
oral argument.
Mr. Solicitor General you may
proceed.
Mr. Griswold: Mr. Chief
Justice, may I say in
respect of the announcement just made that all three parties have filed
a closed brief as well as the open brief and in addition, I have filed
just within minutes, two statements, one prepared by the state
department and one prepared by the department of defense, giving more
detail about some of the items which are discussed in my closed brief
and I believe that those will all be before the Court.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Are you suggesting that these matters last filed are security matters
or they merely supplement and explain --
Mr. Griswold: The only ones
that are security matters that I have filed are all marked top secret.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
I see, thank you very much.
I just wanted to be sure as to
these last documents.
Mr. Griswold: The items
filed by the Post and
the Times, I do not believe are marked top secret, but they are marked
in-camera in the caption of the items.
I repeat, all three have also
filed regular briefs except not
printed, only the American Civil Liberties Union seem to have the
resources to produce a printed brief for this case.
I am told that the law students of
today are indignantly opposed to
final examinations because they say that no lawyer has asked to work
under such pressure that he as to get things out in three or four hours.
I can only say that I think it’s
perhaps fortunate that Mr. Glendon
and Mr. Bickel and I went to law school under earlier dispensation.
It is important I think to get
this case in perspective.
The case of course raises
important and difficult problems about the
constitutional right of free speech and of the free press and we’ve
heard much about that from the press in the last two weeks.
But it also raises important
questions of the equally fundamental and important right of the
government to function.
Great emphasis has been put on the
First Amendment and rightly so.
But there is also involved here a
fundamental question of separation
of powers in the sense of the power and authority which the
Constitution allocates to the President as Chief Executive and as
Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy and involved in that, there is
also the question of the integrity of the institution of the presidency
whether that institution, one of the three great powers under the
separation of powers, can function effectively.
The problem lies on a wide
spectrum and like all questions of
constitutional law, involves the resolution of competing principles.
In the first place it seems to me
that it will be helpful to make some preliminary observations.
If we start out with the
assumption that never under any
circumstances can the press be subjected to prior restraints, never
under any circumstances can the press be enjoined from publications, of
course, we come out with the conclusion that there can be no injunction
here.
But I suggest, not as necessarily
conclusive in this case, but I
suggest that there is no such constitutional rule and never has been
such a constitutional rule.
We have for example the copyright
laws and my son was in trial
earlier this week and he sent me copies of the Globe & Mail of
Toronto, ten series of the story that Pentagon is trying to kill, each
one added copyright New York Times service.
I have no objection to that, but I
-- these stories which had then
published have been copyrighted by the New York Times and I believe by
the portion imposed and I have no doubt that perhaps in other cases
because these have already attracted much attention, the New York Times
and the Washington Post would seek to enforce their copyright.
I suppose it is very likely that
in one form or another, they have
obtained royalties because of their copyright on this matter, but let
us also consider other fields of the law.
There is a well known branch of
the law that goes under the heading of “Literary Property.”
In the Court of Appeals, I gave
the example of a manuscript written
by Earnest Hemingway, let’s assume while he is still living,
unpublished, perhaps incomplete, subject to revision.
In some way the press gets hold of
it.
Perhaps it’s stolen, perhaps it’s
bought from a secretary through
breech of fiduciary responsibility or perhaps it’s filed on the segue
and if the New York Times sought to print that, I have no doubt that
Mr. Hemingway or now his heirs next to kin, could obtain from the
Courts an injunction against the press printing.
Only this morning, I see in the
paper that a New York Publisher is
bringing a suit against Newsday, a New York news paper because Newsday
has violated what the New York publisher consists says considers to be
it’s copyright in the forthcoming memoirs of President Johnson.
And then finally or not finally,
but next, we have a whole series of
law, a traditional branch of equity, involving participation and the
breech of trust and there cannot be the slightest doubt, it seems to
me, that no matter what the motive, no matter what the justification
that both the New York Times and the Washington post are here
consciously, intentionally participating in a breech of trust.
They know that this material is
not theirs, they do not own it.
I’m not talking about the pieces
of paper of which they may have
acquired by the literary property and again I say I don’t regard this
as controlling or conclusive in this case.
I’m simply trying to advance the
proposition that there are many
factors and many facets here and that there is no constitutional rule
that there can never be prior restraints on the press or on free speech.
Now in our main brief in this
case, we have which I may say was
largely prepared by my associate Mr. Friedman, last evening and last
night.
We have cited one case which comes
very close to being a injunction
by this Court against publications in the press and that is the
Associated Press case in I believe 215 United States.
The Associated Press is a
cooperative of newspapers and there, the
Associated Press sought and obtained an injunction against the
dissemination of news by its competitor United or International Press
in that case not United by its competitor International and that was
granted on copyright and related grounds.
But we have other areas in the law
where this Court has approved
against specific First Amendment claims, injunctions in advance
forbidding speech.
One area of this is the labor law
field where as recently is 395
U.S. in Sinclair against the National Labor Relations Board, the Court
unanimously affirmed the judgment of the Court of Appeals, enforcing
the Board's order which included a provision requiring Sinclair to
cease and desist from the threatening the employees with the possible
closing of the plant or the transfer of the weaving production with the
attendant loss of employment or with any other economic reprisals, if
they were to select the above named or any other labor organization.
In 393 U.S, a case involving the
Federal Trade Commission, Federal
Trade Commission against the Tex -- against Texaco Inc., involving
orders with respect to TBA, tires, battery and accessories, the Court
approved the order of the Federal Trade Commission which restrained
Texaco from using or attempting to use any device such as, but not
limited to, dealer discussions, they were ordered not to speak to
dealers about this subject and the First Amendment was specifically
referred to in the brief for the respondent and was not mentioned in
this Court’s opinion.
Justice Potter Stewart: Mr.
Solicitor General, of course, as the Times Film case as well and there
are no doubt others.
I didn’t understand, however, that
your brother counsel on the other side really questioned any of this.
I thought that at least for
purposes of this case, they conceded
that an injunction would be not violative of the First Amendment or put
it this way that despite the First Amendment, an injunction would be
permissible, in this case if the disclosure of this material would in
fact oppose a grave and immediate danger to the security of United
States, that is that for purposes of this case, they’ve concede that,
but they have said that in fact the disclosure of this material would
not pose any such grave and immediate danger. (Voice Overlap)
Mr. Griswold: Mr. Justice
if they have conceded it, I am glad to proceed on that basis.
Justice Potter Stewart: No
I am not conceding it for them, but that had been my understanding of
what the issue is.
They'll make it clear of course to
--
Mr. Griswold: I may say
that their brief were
served on me within the last 15 minutes which -- the last hour which
was entirely in accordance with this Court’s order, but I have not seen
their briefs.
I do not know what is in their
briefs.
Justice Potter Stewart: In
other words,
I have thought in my analysis and I haven't had the benefit of much
more time than you had, that this basically came down to a fact case
that the issues here are factual issues?
Mr. Griswold: And that Mr.
Justice is extremely difficult to discuss --
Justice Potter Stewart:
Argue here in this Court, I understand.
Mr. Griswold: --in open
court and we have endeavored to --
Justice John M. Harlan: Is
then to say qualifying and acceptance of the scope of the initial
review of the executive determination (Inaudible)
Justice Byron R. White: And
that is the throughout the standard --
Mr. Griswold: Mr. Justice
White, it was the
latter point for which I was seeking to get this because our
contention, particularly with respect to the Washington Post case is
that the wrong standard has been used.
Now with respect to the actual
factual situations, the only thing
that I can do is to point to the closed brief, which I have filed in
which there are ten specific items referred to.
Now when I say specific items, I
must be -- I must make myself very clear.
Some of those are collective.
There are -- I have brought here,
you perhaps can’t see them, the 47
volumes that are supposed to be the background of this, they are
included in the record of the Second Circuit Court of Appeals which has
been filed with the Court.
Let me say when we move on to this
next item that it was inevitable
that I delegate the question of preparing the supplemental statement
which was covered by this Court’s order yesterday.
This Court, as did the Second
Circuit, referred to the material
specified in the special appendix in the Second Circuit and to such
additional items as might be included on a supplemental statement filed
at 5:00 pm yesterday.
I had nothing to do with preparing
that supplemental statement.
I have able and conscientious
associates who did work on it.
However, when I had a chance to
see it last evening, particularly
after the state department called me at 8:00 or 9:00 at night and said
they had four additional items, and I said that the Court’s deadline
was 5:00 pm and that I could not add any additional items.
I then examined it.
Here is a copy and I find it much
too broad.
In particular, it has at the end a
statement, in view of the
uncertainties as to the précised documents in defendant’s
custody and I
say that is a -- has been an extreme difficulty in this matter.
we don’t know now, never have know
what the papers have.
Justice Potter Stewart: I
thought the New York Times was required too and did give you a list of
--
Mr. Griswold: They prepared
an inventory but from it, it is not possible to tell whether they are
the same papers that we have.
Part of the problem here is that a
great mass of this material is not included in the 47 volumes.
It is a background material,
earlier drafts of some papers which are
materially different than what is included in the 47 volumes and as a
result, we cannot tell from the inventory what is included.
For example, one of the items
already published which has caused a
certain amount of controversy, publicly and internationally, is a
telegram to the Canadian Government, that is not in the 47 volumes and
is not referred to in the 47 volumes.
Where they got it, how they got
it, what it is, I do not know.
But in this supplemental
memorandum, it is stated under my signature
that the petitioner specifies an addition to the foregoing any
information relating to the following and then there are listed 13
items and frankly I regard that as much too broad.
And therefore, I am saying here
that we rely with respect to this
factual question only on the items specified in the supplemental
appendix, filed in the Second Circuit and on such additional items as
are covered in my closed brief in this case.
Those additional items --
Justice Byron R. White: Mr.
Solicitor, your closed brief cover all of the items on a special
appendix and any that you think should be added to it?
Mr. Griswold: No Mr.
Justice, it does not refer to all of them.
What I tried to do in my closed
brief was I spent all yesterday
afternoon in constant successive conversation with the individuals from
the State Department, the Defense Department, the National Security
Agency and I said “look, tell me what are the words, tell me what are
the things that really make trouble.”
And they told me and I made
long-hand notes of what they told me and from that I prepared the
closed brief.
Justice Byron R. White:
Well Mr.
Solicitor General, if we disagreed with you on those that you have
covered, the remainder of the items need to be looked at?
Mr. Griswold: Mr. Justice,
I think that the odds are strong that that is an accurate statement.
I must say that I have not
examined everyone of the items.
Justice Byron R. White: Are
you making
an argument that even if those ten that you have covered don’t move us
very far that nevertheless the cumulative impact of all the others
might tip the scale?
Mr. Griswold: And that
there ought to be an
opportunity for a full and free judicial consideration of each of the
items covered in the supplemental appendix.
Now, it's perfectly true that
there was a trial before Judge Gesell in the District Court of the
United States.
I referred to it in my closed
brief as hastily conducted and I have said that I -- there was no trace
of criticism in that.
Judge Gesell started the trial at
8:00 last Monday morning and was
under order from the Court of Appeals to have a decision made by 5:00
pm and there are 47 volumes of material and millions of words and there
are people in various agency to the Government who have to be consulted
and Mr. Glendon quite appropriately conducted cross examination which
took time and much of the material had to be presented by affidavits
and there simply has not been a full careful consideration of this
material.
To the best of my knowledge based
on what was told to me yesterday
afternoon by the concerned persons, the ten items in my supplemental --
in my closed brief are the ones on which we most rely but I have not
seen a great many of the other items in the special appendix simply for
sheer lack of time.
Argument of
Seymour
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Mr. Seymour --
Mr. Seymour: The in-camera
proceedings Your Honor were approximately four hours, including cross
examination and argument.
Justice John M. Harlan:
What was the length of the hearing in the Court of Appeals for the
Second Circuit?
Mr. Seymour: The camera
argument, the total
argument there public and in-camera was just over 3 hours, in-camera
portion I would guess was about an hour.
Justice John M. Harlan: And
decisions were rendered in the New York case by the District Court
within two days after which --
Mr. Seymour: Then less than
24 hours after, Your Honor, the hearing finally finished at 10:45 pm on
Friday night.
The decision was rendered on 2:25
Saturday afternoon.
Justice John M. Harlan: And
what was the time in rendering of the decision of the Court of Appeals?
Mr. Seymour: I believe it
went one full day, Your Honor.
That is the decision was rendered
late in the day of the 23, argument was finished about 5:00, shortly
after 5:00 on 27.
Justice Potter Stewart: And
the District of Columbia proceedings, of course, you don’t know, but
perhaps the Solicitor General --
Rebuttal of Griswold
Mr. Griswold: The trial in
the District of Columbia occurred between 8:00 am and 5:00 pm,
including the decision last Monday.
I participated in the oral
argument in the Court of Appeals and it
occupied two hours and a half, two hours and forty-five minutes.
Started at about 2:15 and was over
I think just before 5:00 that is
the entire amount of judicial time which has been devoted to million of
words.
Justice Potter Stewart: Mr.
Solicitor,
I don’t want to bring in a red herring in this case or which might be,
but do you also say that the ten items you have talked about fully
justify the classification that has been given them and it still
remains on them?
Mr. Griswold: Mr. Justice,
I’m not sure whether this case turns on classification.
Justice Byron R. White: I
agree, no body does it but --
Mr. Griswold: No judicial
proceeding has been brought under the freedom of information act by
either newspaper.
There is provision there for
citing a proceeding in Court in case materials are wrongly determined.
No judicial determination has been
made that any classification was arbitrary or capricious.
There is a complication here which
people who lived with this become
familiar with, which is that is any compilation takes the
classification of the highest classified item.
Justice Byron R. White: I
understand
that but on those ten documents, I won’t press you anymore, you think
it’s perhaps needed to be answered in this case and is perhaps
irrelevant.
Mr. Griswold: I think it
need not be
answered, but my position would be that as to those 10 items, it’s more
than 10 documents as to those 10 items that they are properly
classified top secret.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Thank you.
Mr. Griswold: One of the
items, I should make
plain is four volumes of the 47 volumes, four related volumes, all
dealing with one specific subject.
The broaching of which to the
entire world at this time would be of
extraordinary seriousness to the security of the United States and as I
say that is covered in my closed brief and I’m not free to say more
about it.
Justice Potter Stewart: As
I understand
it Mr. Solicitor General and you tell me please, if I misunderstand it,
your case doesn’t really depend upon the classification of this
material, whether it’s classified or how it’s classified.
In other words if the New York
Times and the Washington Post had
this material as a result of the indiscretion or irresponsibility of an
under secretary of defense who took it upon himself to declassify all
of this material and turn it over and give it to the papers, you would
still be here?
Mr. Griswold: I would still
be here, but would have one string off my book.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Well, I didn’t understand it was a real string and that's why I am
asking the question.
Mr. Griswold: Well, it
maybe this, but there
are those who think it is and I must be careful not to concede away in
this Court grounds with some responsible officers of the Government, I
think how important, but I do understand --
Justice Potter Stewart:
Secondly I
understand and tell me if I’m wrong again that your case really doesn’t
depend upon any assertion of property rights by analogy to the
copyright law. You are not -- your case would be the same if the New
York Times that acquired this information by sending one of its
employees in to steal it as it would if it had been presented to the
New York Times on a silver platter.
Mr. Griswold: Yes Mr.
Justice but I --
Justice Potter Stewart: --
rather than (Voice Overlap) to the Government, am I correct?
Mr. Griswold: But I don’t
-- I don’t think that literary property is wholly irrelevant here, but
my case does not depend upon it.
And I say --
Justice Potter Stewart:
Your case
depends upon the claim as I understand it that the disclosure of this
information would result in an immediate grave threat to the security
of the United States of America?
Mr. Griswold: Yes Mr.
Justice.
Justice Potter Stewart:
However, it was acquired and however it’s classified.
Mr. Griswold: Yes, Mr.
Justice but I think
that the fact that it was obviously acquired improperly is not
irrelevant in the consideration of that question and I repeat obviously
acquired improperly.
Justice William J. Brennan:
May I ask Mr. Solicitor General?
Am I correct that the injunction
so far granted against the Times
and the Post haven’t stopped other newspapers from publishing materials
based on this study or kindled papers?
Mr. Griswold: It is my
understanding Mr.
Justice, though I have not had an opportunity to read everything that
has been published in other newspapers.
It is my understanding that except
with respect to the items in the
New York Times, the Washington Post and the Boston Globe, there has not
been published anything else which is not covered by material already
published either in this series or elsewhere.
It would appear to us that other
papers have sought to get into the
act and they have assigned their writers to write what you can, but we
have not been able to find new disclosures of previously unpublished
material in these other articles.
Justice William J. Brennan:
Well
then, are you suggesting that these other newspapers do not in fact
have either this study or access to this study or parts of it?
Mr. Griswold: Mr. Justice,
I do not know.
I have no information whatever.
Justice William J. Brennan:
But you’re not telling us that they don’t?
Mr. Griswold: No.
The only information that I have --
Justice William J. Brennan:
There is the possibility that they do of either the study the same
thing the Post --
Mr. Griswold: There is a
possibility that anybody has it.
Justice William J. Brennan:
No, but
if that were the fact, am I wrong, I’ve always thought that the rule
was that the equity has to be rather careful not to issue ineffective
injunctions and isn’t that a rule or the --
Mr. Griswold: I --
Justice William J. Brennan:
-- fact to be considered in these cases?
Mr. Griswold: No, I
appreciate that.
I am trying to say that on the
basis of the information now known, this is not that situation.
I repeat, I have not read these
other articles, I am advised by
people who have that they do not contain a new disclosures that they
are -- it’s now becoming fashionable and popular, you are not a good
newspaper unless you got some of this stuff and that they had put out
articles with all kinds window dressing, probably very well written,
but not containing new disclosures.
I am not able to testify to that
and I can’t point to anything in the record which supports that.
Certainly we are concerned about
the problem of the effectiveness of any order which might be issued
here.
Justice William J. Brennan:
Well I gather you do agree that the ordinary equitable principle is not
to issue useless injunctions, isn’t it?
Mr. Griswold: And not to
issue useless
injunction and it is our position that there is nothing in this record
or known outside the record which would indicate that this injunction
would be useless.
Justice Harry A. Blackmun:
Mr. Solicitor General, one detail in that connection.
Is there anything in the record or
any information anywhere that the
possession by the other newspapers is attributable to the New York
Times or to the Washington Post?
Mr. Griswold: No, Mr.
Justice.
We don’t know what they have or
how they got it nor do -- that
matter is equally true with the New York Times and the Washington Post.
Justice Harry A. Blackmun:
Have either of these newspapers denied it?
Mr. Griswold: Denied that --
Justice Harry A. Blackmun:
That the possession on the part of the other newspapers is not
attributable to them.
Mr. Griswold: I don’t know.
I don’t believe that has been an
issue in the Washington Post case
or was anything like that in the -- Mr. Seymour advises me there was
nothing like that in the New York Times case.
Justice Byron R. White: Mr.
Solicitor
General, in terms of equity on an injunction, however, to the extent
anything has been published and has already been revealed, the United
States is not seeking an injunction for -- against the further
publication of that particular item?
Mr. Griswold: No, Mr.
Justice.
I think that at that point, we
would agree that it becomes futile, it is a useless --
Justice William J. Brennan:
Well,
would that mean Mr. Solicitor General that if the Government were to
prevail here and that sometime, some document within the scope of the
injunction that the Government got was published in some other
newspaper that then either the Times and the Post could run in and get
to that extent the injunction nullify?
Mr. Griswold: I would think
so Mr. Justice.
Justice William J. Brennan:
But that’s the only thing they could do, is that it?
Mr. Griswold: I would think
so yes.
I may say that it was -- both --
stated in both lower courts in New
York by Mr. Seymour and here by me that the President last January
directed a complete review of classification of all materials.
Several secretaries of state
defense and the chairman of the joint
chiefs of staff authorized us then to say that they are prepared to
appoint immediately a joint task force to conduct an exhaustive
declassification study of the 47 volumes.
That they will conduct a study on
an expedited basis and will complete it within any reasonable time that
the Court may choose.
They suggest a minimum of 45 days
and upon completion of the study,
the Government will withdraw its objection for the publication of any
documents which it is found no longer relevant to the National Security.
Justice Byron R. White: Mr.
Solicitor
General is the United States pressing separately your request or your
cause of action for the return of the materials wholly aside from an
injunction against --
Mr. Griswold: It is not
involved in this case, in this Court at this time.
Justice Byron R. White: It
is not?
Mr. Griswold: No.
Justice William J. Brennan:
No, but is the Government pressing?
Is the Government trying to get
these materials back from the Times and the Post?
Mr. Griswold: I can
certainly say the Government would like to get them back.
Justice William J. Brennan:
That wasn’t my question, my question is, is the Government attempting?
Mr. Griswold: The
Government is not at this time seeking an order for their return.
Justice Byron R. White:
Well, I thought that was part of your lawsuit -- part of your request
for relief and --
Mr. Griswold: I believe it
was, but we did not appeal with respect to that nor is it covered in
our petition for certiorari.
Is that not right?
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
Mr.
Solicitor General on this 45-day study, does that depend on how we rule
in this case or is the government going to do it anyhow?
Mr. Griswold: Mr. Justice,
I will urge the Government to do it anyhow.
Of course, if this Court does not
allow any injunction, it will be
feudal because the material will be published and there won’t be any
particular – entirely postmortem to say “well it was alright anyhow.”
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
Well, suppose the Court decides the other way, will the study be made?
Mr. Griswold: The study is
going to be made.
I will do my best to see that the
study is made and I believe I have
the full support of the entire administration with respect to that.
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
(Inaudible)
Mr. Griswold: I’m sorry Mr.
Justice.
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
Would
this mean (Inaudible) without this case that the Court, that the
Government has the right to find out what’s available to be published.
Mr. Griswold: (Voice
Overlap)Yes, Mr. Justice except that it’s a massive operation.
There isn't a slightest doubt in
my mind that there has been, as
long as I can remember which is quite awhile, a massive over
classification of material and there has been much too slow review to
provide declassification and the Government is in the process of taking
steps to try to find a way to work that problem out.
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
But if the -- this Court would by chance rule against you, then the
Government will surely do it, wouldn’t it?
Mr. Griswold: If the Court
should rule
against us here, then I -- then it seems to me that it becomes moot
with respect to these items, they can be published and whether we
classify them or declassify them as an academic question.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Well, the Court would have done a job for you, is that not so?
Mr. Griswold: Yes, the --
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Declassify the fact.
Mr. Griswold: The Court
will in effect have declassified the materials.
Justice Byron R. White: I
don’t understand that Mr. Solicitor General.
I had thought the standard that
you were operating under here in
terms of a prior restraint wasn’t necessarily equivalent to the
standard that might be operative in a criminal proceeding and whether
or not a newspaper maybe enjoined from publishing classified
information does necessarily determine some criminal proceeding.
Mr. Griswold: Well, you are
certainly right Mr. Justice.
If I may say so in terms of an
examination question, I find it
exceedingly difficult to think that any jury would convict or as an
Appellate Court would affirm a conviction of a criminal offense for the
publication of materials which this Court had said could be published
as simply is the practical matter whether it was a crime or not.
Well, these are the same materials
that were involved in the New York Times case.
All we did was publish them and I
find it difficult to think that such case should be prosecuted or could
if they (Inaudible)
Justice Byron R. White: But
the standard concededly is not the same?
Mr. Griswold: It’s not the
same issue and I repeat, I think it would be technically be a crime if
the materials remain classified.
Now I would like to get on --
Justice Potter Stewart: Mr.
Solicitor General, just before you do.
This brings me back to my original
question a few moments ago as to what the real basic issue in this case
is.
As I understand it, you are not
claiming that you are entitled to an
injunction simply or solely because this is classified material?
Mr. Griswold: No.
Justice Potter Stewart: Nor
do I understand it that you are claiming --
Mr. Griswold: Nor because
we own it.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Just let me finish please, that you are entitled to an injunction
because it was stolen from you, that it’s your property.
You are claiming rather and
basically that how, whether or not it’s
classified or however it’s classified and however it was acquired by
these newspapers, the disclosure, the public disclosure of this
material would pose a grave and immediate danger to the security of the
United States of America.
Mr. Griswold: Yes Mr.
Justice.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Now, isn’t that correct?
Mr. Griswold: Yes Mr.
Justice.
Justice Potter Stewart: So,
declassifications vel non doesn’t have much to do with the basic issue,
does it?
Mr. Griswold: I agree with
you except to this part of the setting.
If this material had never been
classified, I think we would have a
considerably greater difficulty in coming in and saying -- well for
example, suppose the material had been included in a public speech made
by the President of United States.
Justice Potter Stewart: Now
it would be in the public domain already?
Mr. Griswold: Alright but
we come in and say,
you can’t print this because it will gravely affect the security of
United States, I think we would plainly be out.
Justice Potter Stewart: And
the very Saggy case on the facts and that’s --[Laughter]
Mr. Griswold: Or suppose it
had been --
Justice Potter Stewart: And
this therefore is a fact case, isn’t it?
Until we can decide this case --
Mr. Griswold: No Mr.
Justice.
Justice Potter Stewart: --
we have to look at the facts, the evidence in this case that’s been
submitted under scrutiny --
Mr. Griswold: In large
part, yes Mr. Justice
but I’m still trying to get some help from the background and the
setting which I repeat it is not irrelevant that the concatenation of
words here is the property of the United States, that this has been
classified under executive orders approved by Congress and that it
obviously has been improperly acquired.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Well, that may
have a great deal to do as to whether -- as to the question of whether
or not somebody is guilty of a criminal offense, but I submit it has
very little to do with the basic First Amendment issue before this
Court in this case?
Mr. Griswold: Alright Mr.
Justice, I repeat,
unless we can show that this will have grave and I think I would like
to amend it the -- I know the Court’s order has said immediate, but I
think it really ought to be irreparable harm to the Security of United
States.
Justice Hugo L. Black: I
would think with
all due respect to Kelly, that the question of classification of a
Court bearing on the question of the scope of review of executive
classification?
Mr. Griswold: Well I think
Mr. Justice that
is true, but I also think the heart of our case is that the publication
of the material specified in my closed brief will as I have tried to
argue there, materially affect the Security of United States.
It will affect lives, it will
affect the process of determination of the war.
It will affect the process of
recovering prisoners of war.
I cannot say that determination of
the war or recovering prisoners
of war is something which has an immediate effect on the Security of
United States.
I say that it has such an effect
on the Security of United States that it ought to be the basis of an
injunction in this case.
Now, I would like to get to the
question of the standard which was used by the District Judge in this
case.
I think it is relevant to point
out that on page 267 of the closed
-- of the transcript in the District Court before Judge Gesell, he
said, “the Court further finds that publication of the documents in the
large may interfere with the ability of the department under the state
in the conduct of delicate negotiations now in process, not in the
past, now in process or contemplated for the future whether this
negotiations involve Southeast Asia or other areas of the world.
This is not so much because of
anything in the documents themselves,
but rather results from the fact that it will appear to foreign
Governments that this Government is unable to prevent publication of
actual Government communications when a leak such as the present one
occurs.”
Now, thus the judge rejected as a
standard in this matter the whole
question of the ability of the department of state and that means the
President to whom the foreign relations are conferred by the
Constitution to conduct delicate negotiations, now in process are
contemplated for the future.
And I suggest to the Court that it
is perfectly obvious that the
conduct of delicate negotiations now in process are contemplated for
the future has an impact on the Security of the United States.
Now, the standard which the judge
did apply is one which -- with the
benefit of -- with the benefit of 20/20 hindsight, I would have written
differently.
Executive order 10501 provides the
basis for security classification
issued by President Eisenhower in 1953 after a comprehensive study by a
commission on these matters.
And the definition of top secret
in Section 1 (a) of Executive Order
10501 is, “top secret shall be authorized by appropriate authority only
for defense information or material which requires the highest degree
of protection.
The top secret classification
shall be applied only to that
information or material that the defense aspect of which is paramount
and the unauthorized disclosure of which could result in exceptionally
grave damage to the nation such as,” now this was not intended to be
all inclusive, it is illustrative, “such as leading to a definite break
in diplomatic relations, affecting the defense of the United States, an
armed against the United States or its allies, a war or the compromise
of military or defense plans or intelligence operations or scientific
or technological developments vital to the national defense” and what
Judge Gesell has -- he had -- Judge Gesell has used that as the
standard.
He made no reference whatever to
the succeeding classification which
is secret and there is also a classification which is confidential, but
Judge Gesell has used as the basis of his decision and I suggest this
was fundamental error that there is no proof, this is on page 269 of
the transcript of the hearing before Judge Gesell, there is no proof
that there will be a definite break in diplomatic relations, that there
will be an armed attack on the United States, that there will be an
armed attack on an ally, that there will be a war, that there will a
compromise of military or defense plans and I in my closed brief, I
contend that he was wrong on that, a compromise of intelligence
operations and then my closed brief, I contend that he was plainly
wrong on that or a compromise of scientific and technological materials.
And if the standard is that we
cannot prevent the publication of
improperly acquired material unless we can show in substance in effect
because that’s what he really meant that there will be a break in
diplomatic relations or that there will be an arm detect on the United
States, I suggest that the standard which Judge Gesell used is far too
narrow.
Now perhaps it lies in between.
My own thought would be that in
the present (Inaudible) state of the
world, considering negotiations in the Middle East, considering the
SALT talks now going on and it's perhaps not inappropriate to remember
that SALT is Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, the consequences of which
obviously have in all likelihood not the prevention of a nuclear attack
tomorrow, maybe not next week.
But only by a success in this kind
of negation, can we have any hope
that our children and our children’s children will have a world to live
in.
I suggest that when it is found by
the District Court that the
publication of the documents in the large may interfere with the
ability of the Department of State in the conduct of delicate
negotiations now in process are contemplated for the future, that
should be enough by itself to warrant a restraint on the publication of
the now quite narrowly selected group of materials covered in the
special appendix and dealt with in some detail in my closed brief and
the related papers which had been filed with the Court this morning.
Justice John M. Harlan:
Could I ask you a question before you sit down?
I had understood from your papers,
and the briefs that you filed
this morning that the only specific relief at this stage, at this
juncture of the proceeding you are asking for is a Court of Appeals
decision in the Times case should be affirmed, namely further hearings
before the District Court and accorded by the Court of Appeals to go
froward to conclusion and as regards to Washington Post case, you are
asking only that the proceedings there be confirmed to the proceedings
in the Court of Appeals in the Second Circuit.
And is therefore the broader
question that you have been talking about are not before the Court at
the moment?
Mr. Griswold: No, Mr.
Justice.
I think I can’t agree with that.
It is our position that Judge
Gesell used the wrong standard as I
have just said and it is our view that the judgment of the Second
Circuit should be affirmed and the case remanded to Judge Gurfein for
further hearing under a proper standard which I hope this Court will
develop and announce and that the decision of the Court of Appeals be
reversed and the case remanded to Judge Gesell for further hearing and
the application of the proper standard which this Court has decided.
Because it is our view as I have
endeavored to contend that in
rational terms in the modern world, the standard that Judge Gesell
applied is just too narrow that and as I have said that the standard
should be great and irreparable harm to the Security of United States
in the whole diplomatic area, the things don’t happen at 8:15 tomorrow
morning and maybe weeks or months.
People tell me that already
channels the communication on which a great hope had been placed have
dried up.
I haven't a slightest doubt myself
that the material which has
already been published and the publication of the other materials
affects American lives and is a thoroughly serious matter.
And I think that to say that it
can only be enjoined if there will
be a war tomorrow morning when there is a war now going on is much too
narrow.
Argument of Alexander M. Bickel
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Thank you, Mr. Solicitor General.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Argument of
Alexander Bickel.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Mr. Chief Justice, may it please the Court.
We begin publishing on June 13.
We published on the 14 and the 15
with no move from the Government
till the evening of the 14 despite what is now said to be the gravest
kind of danger which one would have supposed would have been more
obvious then it turned out to be.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Well
Mr. Bickel, aren’t you -- aren’t you going to allow sometime for some
of the -- really see what this means before they act?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Mr. Chief Justice --
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Meetings drawn and get lawyers into the Courts?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: I
planned to return briefly to this point.
I point out now only that as was
evident to us at the hearings when
we cross examined some of Government witnesses, high ranking people in
the Government quite evidently read these things on Sunday morning, the
following day and no great alarm sounded.
I meant to return to the
significance of this point if I could see
it, I mentioned it by the way now only in the process of reciting the
chronology.
We were then enjoined under prior
restraint on the 15 and we have
been under injunction ever since, the 11th I guess under the order of
the Court of Appeals to the Second Circuit.
We would remain under injunction
presumably to the July 3 with the
distinct possibility of more time added after that if appellate
proceedings are required.
Now a word simply on what was had
before the hearing that was had before Judge Gurfein.
It took place on Friday last I
believe, started first thing in the morning with open hearings.
We went in-camera as Mr. Seymour
said for something upward of four hours, I don’t know the exact time.
The record will clearly show that
the judges’ sole purpose in-camera
and continuously expressed intent was to provoke from the Government
witnesses something specific to achieve from them the degree of
guidance that he felt he needed in order to penetrate this enormous
record.
It is our judgment and it was his
that he got very little perhaps almost nothing.
The point however that I wish to
leave with you is that at no time
in the course of these hearings, did the Government object to their,
what is now called the speed or rapidity of them, at not point it was
more time as for.
Of course we all labored as I
think is only proper under the
knowledge that a great newspaper was being restrained from publishing
and that expedition was desirable.
But there is no evidence that I
know off that Judge Gurfein rushed
the proceedings or would have rushed them if the Government had asked
for more time.
I think the Government gave Judge
Gurfein all it had.
Now the Government based it’s
complaints against us framed in very general terms on a statute.
First one section of it, finally
Section 793 (e) of the statute.
We have a substantial portion of
our brief that is still devoted to arguing that that statute is
inapplicable.
Judge Gurfein so held it to be and
I take it that the order of the
Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit is at least open to the
interpretation that that holding of Judge Gurfein's is not affirmed at
any rate accept it.
If I may at this point take up Mr.
Justice Stewart’s question to the Solicitor General, referring to our
position.
We concede, we have all along in
this case conceded for purposes of
the argument, that the prohibition against prior restraint like
(Inaudible) constitution is not an absolute.
But beyond that Mr. Justice, our
position is a little more complicated than that.
Nor do we really think that the
case even with the statute out of it is a simple, presents indeed a
simple question of fact.
Rather, our position is two-fold.
First on principles as we view
them with the separation of powers which we believe denied the
existence of inherent presidential authority on which an injunction can
be based.
First on those and secondly on
First Amendment principles which are
interconnected on both the end which involved the question of a
standard before one reaches the facts, it’s a standard on which we
deeper greatly from the Solicitor General, on both these grounds, we
believe that the only proper resolution of the case is the dismissal of
complaint.
Justice Potter Stewart:
What was the first ground?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
The first ground which I am about to enter upon is the question of the
separation of powers with the statute out of this case.
Justice Potter Stewart: Yes.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: As
I
conceive it Mr. Justice, the only basis on which the injunction can
issue is a theory which I think the Solicitor General holds of an
inherent presidential power.
Now an inherent presidential --
Justice Potter Stewart:
Based upon --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
His constitutional --
Justice Potter Stewart: --
the power of the executive and the area of international relationships
and in the area of the defense of the --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: I
so assume.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Under the Constitution of the United States.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: I
so assume.
The reason for that being that a
Court has to find its law
somewhere, as Holmes would have said I suppose of -- some legislative
will must be present from which the Court draws the law that it can
apply.
Then that legislative will has to
be the President's, if there is no statute.
Now, I don’t for a moment argue
that the President doesn’t have full inherent power to establish a
system of classification.
That he doesn’t have the fullest
inherent power to administer that
system and its procedures within the executive branch he has his means
of guarding security at the source.
In some measure, he is aided by
the criminal sanction, but anyway he
has full inherent power and the scope of judicial review of the
exercise of that power will presumably vary with the case in which it
comes up, but I’m prepared to concede the decision in the Epstein (ph)
for example which is cited I think in both briefs.
Briefs that under the Freedom of
Information Act, the scope of
review is limited, limited to examining whether it is (Inaudible).
Nor do I argue the -- that the
President doesn’t have standing in
the sense in which Baker and Karr distinguishes between standing and
justiceability.
Standing to come into Court which
is I think the burden of most of the cases that the Government cites.
The question that I do argue is
whether there is inherent
presidential power to make substantive law not for the internal
government of -- internal management of the government, but out going
-- out looking substantive law which can form the basis for a
judicially issued injunction imposing a prior restraint on speech.
The decisive issue that ties in at
this point and our ultimate First
Amendment point is of course the exception carved out by Chief Justice
Hughes in Near v. Minnesota for those -- that narrow area in which he
accepted that a prior restraint on speech might be applied.
This is an exception that is made
to a rule more solidly entrenched
in the First Amendment and any other aspects of it or rule that is
deeply part of the formative experience out of which the First
Amendment came, the rule against the prior restraint, based on the
experience that prior restraints fall on speech with a special
brutality and finality and procedural ease of all their own which
distinguishes them from other regulations of speech.
If a criminal statute chose
speech, a prior restraint freezes it.
It’s within that well established
doctrine that the exception arises.
Now, as Chief Justice Hughes
formulated it, it referred to, he
actually said, “we would all assume that a prior restraint might be
possible to prevent actual obstruction of the recruiting service, this
is the Chief Justice language, or the publication of sailing dates of
transports or the number and location of troops.”
I suppose that under present law,
the recruiting service part of
that exception is problematic, but on the sailing dates of ships and
the location of troops, there is a very specific statute.
It is 18 U.S.C. 794 which isn't
cited -- hasn’t been cited against
us which again applicable which is why it hasn’t been cited against us
because that’s not what we report, that’s not -- that isn’t in our
papers.
Now, that being the case, there is
no applicable statute under which
we are covered and the question arises as a matter of inherent
presidential authority, what kind of feared event would give rise to an
independent power on the part of the President?
It’s the question of in a sense
that was saved in Hirabayashi versus United States, the first of the
Japanese exclusion cases.
And it’s a question which in its
own context of course, Youngstown Sheet & Tube Company v. Sawyer
answered in the negative.
Now, my suggestion would be that
whatever that case, that extremity,
absolute other extremity in which action to save for the public safely
is required.
Whatever that case maybe in which
under this Constitution under its
rules of separation of powers, the President has independent inherent
authority to act domestically against citizens, let alone to impose a
prior restraint, whatever that case maybe, it cannot be this case.
Whatever that case maybe, it sure
is a magnitude of an obviousness
that would lead to the eye and that’s why in part Mr. Chief Justice, I
mentioned at the beginning the period of time that has passed.
I would suppose that stretching
our imagination and trying to
envision that case, the one characteristic of it, suggested indeed by
the example of Chief Justice Hughes recited, suggested by the phrase
that the Second Circuit used which is probably why the Solicitor
General resists the word immediate.
The Single characteristic that we
can surely, immediately see of
such an imagined event, would be that it’s obvious, that the public
safety is in issue, the time of the essence.
I submit that that cannot be this
case.
It cannot be that it has taken,
that it has to take the Government
which has been reviewing this documents for many months, not just in
connection with this case but in reply to an inquiry made by Senator
Fulbright is the record of our hearings in New York shows, it cannot be
that a Government consisting after all of more than just the three
witnesses, five witness that we heard in New York or the ones that were
heard here, over this length of time has an unfamiliar -- unfamiliarity
with these documents, substantially they might be which is so great
that when news of their publication comes up, no body in the Government
knows that somewhere in those documents is one which presents a mortal
danger to the Security of the United States.
And I would submit secondly that
while error is always possible,
judge Griffin and the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit which
affirmed them on the record that he had before him and Judge Gesell in
the Court of Appeals here, all those judges can't have been that wrong.
This --
Justice Harry A. Blackmun:
Mr. Bickel, this isn’t your case, but reading from Judge Wilkey’s
dissent --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Yes sir.
Justice Harry A. Blackmun:
-- when I
say harm, I mean the death of soldiers, the destruction of alliances,
the greatly increased difficulty of negotiation with our enemies.
The inability of our diplomats and
negotiators, honest brokers between would be belligerence.
I take it you disagree
fundamentally with that statement?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Not entirely, Mr. Justice Blackmun, for example the death of soldiers.
I would disagree that that
impairment of diplomatic relations can be
a case for a prior restraint, I would say even under a statute.
I would not disagree that the
death of soldiers as in troop ship or as an example, Chief Justice
Hughes did.
The difficulty I would have would
be that nothing that any of these
judges including Judge Wilkey because he I suppose is talking about
what might be shown by the Government, nothing that any of these judges
have seen is related by a direct casual change to the death of soldiers
or anything grave of that sort.
What characterizes, I have heard
it and everything I have read, what
characterizes every instance in which the Government tries to make its
case factually is a chain of causation whose lengths are surmised and
speculation, all going toward some distant event itself, not of the
gravity that I would suggest is offensive.
Justice Harry A. Blackmun:
You know
these records better than I do, but again going back to Judge Wilkey,
he says, “but on careful detailed study of the affidavits and evidence,
I find a number of examples of documents which if in possession of a
Post and I repeat this is the Post case, and if published would clearly
result in great harm to the nation.
Now I repeat my question, you
therefore disagree fundamentally to what he seems to say?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Well, I beg your pardon Mr. Justice, I am not familiar and I should be
with the Washington Post case.
I had thought that Judge Wilkey
talked about -- dissented on the ground that he would like more
evidence to come in.
If he found -- if this is a
statement about the evidence that he
heard or that was heard before Judge Gesell then depending on what the
standard is that he has in mind, I would think that language doesn’t
quite communicate to me what the standard is and I doubt that it’s the
standard that I would contend, the narrow standard that I would contend
for, depending on the standard that he has in mind, he is either wrong
about a standard or seven judges disagreed with him, but I’m sorry.
I’m not sufficient familiar with
the Washington Post case.
Justice Byron R. White:
Professor, you stand -- you are contending for this grave and immediate
or not?
Is that --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
The standard --
Justice Byron R. White: --
futile for you?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
The standard that I would contend for and the difficulties of words are
simply enormous, one has to --
Justice Byron R. White:
Surely.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: --
bring in to those mind an image of something, some event and try to
describe it.
The standard that I would contend
for would have two parts of it.
One would be and let me also say
that I would differentiate between a standard applicable to the
President acting on his own.
The President acting in the case
saved pre se Hirabayashi for
example and a prior restraint being imposed pursuant to a well drawn
statute which defines the standard in the case.
I would demand less of the statute
than I would demand to the President.
But the standard in general that I
would have in mind would at one end have a great event, a danger to the
nation.
Some of the things described in
the top secret, in description of
top secret classification in the executive order, Solicitor General
read off, would I think fit that end of the standard.
At the other end would be the fact
of publication and I would demand
and this would be my second element that the chain, the length between
the fact of publication and the feared danger, the feared event be
direct and immediate and visible.
Justice Byron R. White: So
you, I take
it then that you could easily concede that there maybe documents and
these 47 volumes which would satisfy the definition of top secret in
the executive order and nevertheless would not satisfy your standard?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
That would be chiefly for the reason that as is notorious.
Classifications are imposed --
Justice Byron R. White: No
and my question was -- let's concede for the moment that there are some
documents --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Which are properly.
Justice Byron R. White:
They are properly classified top secret.
You would say that does not
necessarily mean that your standard is satisfied.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
That’s correct, Mr. Justice.
I would say that parts of --
Justice Byron R. White: I
take it, I
don’t have and read anything in any of your documents or any of this
cases which the newspaper suggest for a moment that there is no
document in these 47 volumes which satisfies the, properly the
definition of top secret.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
That there is no -- well, no.
I don’t know about --
Justice Byron R. White:
Well you don’t deny that, do you?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: I
have no knowledge.
I’ve never been near the documents
Mr. Justice.
Justice Byron R. White:
Well I know but
-- so but your position must be then that even if there is a document
or so, none of them satisfies your standard?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: I
would
say that today I had, if asked that question on the day we appeared, at
the day I appeared before Judge Gurfein on a temporary restraining
order, my answer would have been, I expect not, I trust the people at
Times.
I -- I’m fairly certain not, by
now, Mr. Justice after all this time
having read the submissions of the Government although I was hit with
another one this morning, not a separate submission, but an explication
of the earlier ones but I haven’t had a chance to glance at, yet this
literature like some scholarly literature tends to get ahead of us.
Having read the submissions of the
Government, I am flatly persuaded
that there’s nothing in there because if there’s nothing that would
meet my standard in there for a statute or for a independent executive
action because if there were, it surely should have timed out by now.
It cannot be that after I gather,
the Solicitor General had the same
experience yesterday afternoon that I saw Judge Gurfein have it.
Please show me?
Now which are the three, which are
the five, which are the ten?
Which are the most important of
these?
All that one ever got, all that
I’ve ever heard have been statements
of the feared events in terms of effect on diplomatic relations.
If it’s a military matter, why
then in terms of the addition of a
possible cause to a train causal factor, to a train of event that’s
well on the rails as is and propelled by sufficient other factors.
That sort of statement is the only
thing we’ve heard and I would
submit that that does not meet any possible First Amendment standard.
It doesn’t meet it either in the
statement of the seriousness of the
event that’s feared or what is more important and more obvious in this
case in the drawing of the link between the act of publication as the
cause of that event and the event that is feared.
That link is always I suggest
speculative, full of surmises and a
chain of causation that after its first one or two links, gets involved
with other causes operating in the same areas, so it becomes -- so that
what finally cause of the ultimate event becomes impossible to say
which the effective cause was.
And my -- the standard that I
would propose under the First Amendment would not be satisfied by such
showing.
Justice Potter Stewart: And
your
standard is that it has to be an extremely grave event to the nation
and it has to be directly, approximately caused by the publication?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
That’s exactly correct.
Justice Potter Stewart: And
I gather
then that your basic argument with the statutory or the regulatory
definition of top secret is with the word “could” because that
definition says unauthorized disclosure which could result in blah,
blah, blah?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Yes, I was addressing myself only to the events --
Justice Potter Stewart: You
would insist that it would probably result --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: I
would insist that for purposes certainly of any action in the
President’s inherent power which is the case before us.
Justice Potter Stewart: Now
Mr. Bickel
it’s understandably and inevitably true that in a case like this,
particularly when so many of the facts are under seal, it’s necessary
to speak in abstract terms?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Yes sir.
Justice Potter Stewart: But
let me give you a hypothetical case.
Let us assume that when the
members of the Court go back and open up
this sealed record, we find something there that absolutely convinces
us that its disclosure would result in the sentencing to death of a
hundred young men whose only offense had been that they were 19 years
old and had low draft numbers, what should we do?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Mr. Justice, I wish there were a statute that covered it.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Well, there isn’t, we agree or you submit, so I’m asking in this case
what should we do?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
I’m
addressing a case which I am as confident as I can be of anything, Your
Honor, will not find when you get back to your chambers.
It’s a hard case.
I think it would make bad
separation of powers, but it’s almost
impossible to resist the inclination not to let that information be
published of course.
Justice Potter Stewart: As
you know, as
I’m sure you do know, the concern that this Court now has term after
term with people who have been convicted and sentenced to death,
convicted of extremely serious crimes, you know, that the capital cases
and I’m posing you a case where the disclosure of something in these
files would result in the death of people who --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
You are posing or --
Justice Potter Stewart: --
or nothing.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Your
opposing the case of course Mr. Justice in which that element of my
attempted definition which refers to the chain of causation.
I mean, --
Justice Potter Stewart: I
suppose in a great big global picture, this is no --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: No
--
Justice Potter Stewart:
This is not a national threat.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: No
sir.
Justice Potter Stewart:
There are at least 25 Americans killed in Vietnam every week these days.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: No
sir,
but I meant -- it’s a case in which the chain of causation between the
act of publication and the feared event, the death of this hundred
young man is obvious, direct, immediate.
Justice Potter Stewart:
That’s what I’m assuming --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
That’s right.
Justice Potter Stewart: --
in my hypothetical case.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: I
only say as to that that it is a case in which in the absence of a
statute, I suppose most of us would say --
Justice Potter Stewart: You
would say the Constitution requires that it be published and that this
men die, is that it?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: No.
I’m afraid I have -- I’m afraid my
-- the inclinations of humanity
overcome the somewhat more abstract devotion to the First Amendment in
a case to that sort.
I would wish that Congress took a
look to the seldom used and at the
seldom used and not very -- in not a very good shape Espionage Act and
clean them up so that we could have statutes that are clearly
applicable within vagueness rules and what not and so that we that we
don’t have to rely on presidential power.
But the burden of the question is
do I assume that the event has to be of cosmic --
Justice Potter Stewart:
Nature question.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Well, no sir.
The examples given by Chief
Justice Hughes himself are not.
A troop ship is in the sense that
hundred men or the location of a platoon is in the sense that hundred
men.
I don’t assume that.
I have -- I do honestly think that
that hard case would make very bad separation of powers.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Professor Bickel, let me alter the illustration a little bit, the
hypothetical.
Suppose the information was
sufficient.
The judges could be satisfied that
the disclosure of a link, the
identity of the person engaged in delicate negotiations having to do
with the possible release of prisoners of war, the disclosure of this
would delay the release of those prisoners before a substantial period
of time.
Now this and I’m posing that so
that it is not immediate, is that or
is that not in your view of matter that should stop the publication and
therefore avoid the delay and the release of the prisoners?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Mr. Chief
Justice, on that question which is of course a good deal nearer to
what’s bruited about anyway in the record of this case.
I can only say that unless which I
can imagine can be possible, the link of causation is made direct and
immediate.
Whether the -- even though the
event might be somewhat -- somewhat
distant, but unless it can be demonstrated that it is really true if
you publish this, that will happen or there is a high probability
rather than as is typical of those events.
There are 17 causes feeding into
them.
Three of those are -- anyone of
those other than the publication is entirely capable of being the
single effective cause.
And the real argument is, well you
add publication to that and it makes it a little more difficult.
I think Mr. Chief Justice that
that is a risk that the First
Amendment signifies that this society is willing to take, that is part
of the risk of freedom that I would certainly take.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
I get
a feeling from which you have said, although you haven’t addressed
yourself directly to it that you do not weigh heavily or I think the
Courts should weigh heavily the impairment of sources of information
either diplomatic or military intelligent sources.
Now --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Mr. Chief -- I’m sorry.
What --
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
I get the impression that you wouldn’t consider that enough to warrant
the -- an injunction.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: In
the
circumstances of this case Mr. Chief Justice that there -- I think it
-- I’m perfectly clear in my mind that the President without statutory
authority, no statutory basis goes into Court asks for an injunction on
that basis, that if Youngstown Sheet & Tube Company v. Sawyer means
anything, he does not get it.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Well then let me --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Now --
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Make --
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Where under a statute, we don’t face it in this case and I really don’t
know.
I’d have to face that if I saw it.
If I saw the statute, if I saw how
definite it was.
Justice Hugo L. Black:
Under the statute,
there is a difference because the First Amendment provides that
Congress shall make no law breeching freedom of the press.
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Well --
Justice Hugo L. Black: And
you could read that to mean Congress may make some laws, breeching
freedom to press?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel: No
sir.
Only in that I have conceded for
purposes of this argument that some
limitation, some impairment of the absoluteness of that prohibition is
possible and I argue that whatever that maybe, whatever that maybe it
is surely at its very least when the President acts without statutory
authority because that inserts into it as well as separation of powers.
Justice Hugo L. Black:
(Inaudible) argument for the times to be making, that Congress can make
all this illegal by passing laws?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Well, I didn’t really argue that Mr. Justice.
At least I have -- I hope --
Justice Hugo L. Black: That
was a strong impression you left in my mind?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Well, I
replied to the Chief Justice on a case that arose without a statute and
far distinguished because its crucial to the -- for purposes of this
case to distinguish between the authority which is here claimed of the
President to act independently without a statute and the possibly
greater authority of the whole Government through the machinery of
legislation to act in similar premises of which I concede nothing that
I don’t have to Mr. Justice.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Professor Bickel, I have one question that’s prompted by this exchange.
Generally speaking, there are, as
I understand it, no statute is
granting immunity to newspaper reporters from disclosing their sources,
but there is a firm claim made by newspapers, by reporters and there
have been a number of cases on that.
If I read the briefs and the
accounts of those other cases in
California and several other places, claim of the newspaper is that the
First Amendment protects them from revealing their source even to a
grand jury in the investigation of criminal matters because otherwise,
the newspaper sources would dry up.
Now, that’s generally the thesis
of the press, is it not?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Well, there are some cases that are on this Court’s docket as you know
Mr. Chief Justice for next fall.
One of them with which I’m most
familiar is the Caldwell case from
California in which there was a refusal to reveal sources upheld by the
Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit even to the point of not
requiring an appearance before the grand jury.
But the claim is very
substantially qualified, that is to say
Caldwell holds, one doesn’t know how far that might be taken and
perhaps some of the other cases will require the argument to take it
somewhat farther, but Caldwell on its own holds that in circumstances
where the Government, as indeed Attorney General Mitchell’s regulations
themselves provided, which are issued after the Caldwell case started.
In cases where the Government
hasn’t shown a clear necessity for the
evidence, hasn’t shown that it hasn’t been able to get it elsewhere,
hasn’t show that it’s central, inescapably central to the proof of
whatever crime it is that the grand jury is investigating that in those
circumstances where the claim of confidential communication is made by
the reporter, there is a sufficient First Amendment interest to protect
that claim on the theory that if confidential sources dry up and they
-- the theory runs would dry up because there were no protection of
confidentiality, there would be a diminished flow of news.
I know that --
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Yes,
but the argument then is that the newspapers, newspaper reporters claim
for themselves a right which this argument now would deny to the
Government?
Mr. Alexander M. Bickel:
Mr. Chief
Justice, I know there is an appearance of unfairness or unevenness
about it, but I think the answer that a reporter would make and an
answer that I find wholly persuasive is that neither in this case nor
in a case like Caldwell does the New York Times or does a reporter
claim something for himself, but rather that the claim is made in order
to vindicate the First Amendment and those interests which that great
document serves.
Thank you.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Argument of
William R. Glendon
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Thank you.
Mr. Glendon.
Mr. William R. Glendon: Mr.
Chief
Justice, Your Honors, General Griswold, Mr. Bickel, I think it might be
helpful if I address my attention to the facts which lie behind these
cases or this case, the Washington Post case as it comes before Your
Honors.
Because, I think we have heard
here a familiar plea, familiar to
what has been involved in this case over this last intense week that
some more time is needed while the First Amendment is suspended.
We first face this question, Judge
Gesell did some week ago and
after a hearing on the temporary restraining order, unconvinced by the
generality and lack of specificity, he denied the temporary restraining
order.
The Government has a course with
its right promptly went up to the
Court of Appeals and in an extraordinary late session, everything has
been -- everything has been late I may say in this case, late hours,
the Court of Appeals two to one judges Rob and Judge Robinson granted a
temporary restraining order to the Government to give them some time
and thus for the second time in two weeks and the second time in 200
years, the United States succeeded in obtaining a temp -- prior
restraint against the press.
Now, the Court of Appeals stated
-- the Court of Appeals stated --
in its order that it would set -- send it back, send it to the District
Court and the District Court would try it to determine whether the
granting of an injunction with a publication of material would so
prejudice the defense interest of the United States are a result in
such irreparable injury to the United States as to justify the
extraordinary relief that was asked to it, a prior restraint.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Before you proceed Mr. Gendon --
Mr. William R. Glendon: Yes
sir.
Justice Potter Stewart: --
you agree that that is the proper test?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
think that’s a proper test Your Honor, yes.
That’s the test that we tried the
case under and I think the
implications of the words may require some development and I’m sure
there will be arguments as to exactly what those words mean.
But that’s the test we tried to --
we tried the case.
Justice Potter Stewart: And
then would you repeat the words, so that I’ll have them in mind?
Mr. William R. Glendon: So
prejudiced, so prejudiced the defense interests of the United States
result in such irreparable injury to the United States as would justify
restraining the publications.
Justice Potter Stewart: And
that would not cover the simple death, say of a hundred or 200 young
men?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Well, Your Honor let’s say, that’s a hard case, obviously.
I’m trying and I think we all have
to measure this case in the light
of what we have before us and what we know we have before us.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Well we have a lot of things under seal that I don’t want to have and --
Mr. William R. Glendon: Yes
and I’m --
Justice Potter Stewart:
I’ve seen some off but haven’t --
Mr. William R. Glendon: I’m
going to
address myself to those, Your Honor, and I’m going to point out as the
best I can within the limits here and as did other Courts and the
Government has not yet brought anything like that case to Your Honors,
nothing like it and what we have heard, Your Honor, is much more in the
nature of conjecture and surmise.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Can
anyone know in any circumstance the consequences of disclosure of
sources of information for example, the upsetting of negotiations if
that were hypothetically true in Paris or possible negotiations that we
don’t know anything about, for the release of war prisoners, that sort
of thing.
How does a Government meet the
burden of proof in the sense that Judge Gesell laid it down.
That doesn’t bring any battleships
to the outer limits of New York
Harbor or set off any missiles but would you say that it’s not a very
grave matter?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Your Honor,
I think if we are to place possibilities or conjecture against
suspension or abridgment of the First Amendment, the answer is obvious.
The fact, the possibility or
conjecture of the hypothesis that
diplomatic negotiations would be made more difficult or embarrassed,
does not justify and this is what we have in this case and I think it's
all we know, does not justify suspending the First Amendment, yet this
is what’s happened here.
Conjecture can be piled upon
surmised, Judge Gurfein used the word (Inaudible) and I’m sure used it
respectfully.
But he said when there is a
security breech, people get the juris.
And I think as the -- maybe the
Government has a case of the juris
here, but that I submit does not warrant the -- stopping the press in
this matter in the absence of a showing.
And I like to turn to that because
this matter as I don’t have to say, does not come undeveloped before
Your Honors.
Two fine District Court Judges,
two fine Court of Appeals have
considered this and in each I think it’s fair to say even in the New
York case, the Government did not meet its burden.
And so it says to us, but one more
time, just one more time and this
is where I was a moment ago when I said that Judge Rob and Judge
Robinson agreed to give them a chance.
Now we had a hearing in the
District of Columbia and I like to, if I
may, comment upon what the Government said and it said it twice about
that hearing because really Your Honors are being asked to -- on a
representation and it's a I know a sincere representation by General
Griswold, but on a representation if we are given some more time, maybe
we can find something.
But here is what the Government
says in its brief and it said it again yesterday.
They said in New York, the
Government was not able to present to the
Court all of the evidence relating to the impact of the disclosure of
this material upon foreign relations and national defense that it was
able to present to the District Court in the Washington Post case.
We had and the Government was
accorded the fullest hearing that it wanted.
We had -- we started at the
unusual hour of 8:00 in the morning.
The Government’s case proceed it
through the luncheon hour.
We cross examined as we thought it
was necessary.
The Court had plenty of time to
consider the matter he delivered, I
think you agree, whether you agree with this result, a finely reasoned
opinion.
So there was no rush and no
pressure.
Then the matter went up to the
Court of Appeals and there and the Court of Appeals had a session some
three hours the next day.
And I might say too and I think
this is perhaps important, there’s
been no restriction on the Government's latitude because they did have
this in-camera hearings which frankly was very difficult from our point
of view to deal with.
But they did have them and they
had it in-camera hearing in the Court of Appeals.
So to say now that we need more
time, I think does not measured up
to the other side, the other side of the equation which you're being
asked to do and that is to restrain two newspapers while others are
publishing from giving their readers the news.
And it is of course their readers
that we feel.
I think properly their rights are
involved too.
Their right to know and I’m
talking about currency and immediacy
there is now involved in this country, the country is on gage and in
intense national debate.
Things are happening this week on
that score.
These lawsuits undoubtedly
precipitated the executive to turn over these documents to the Congress.
Now Senator Fulbright as I’m sure
you’re all aware have been trying for some two years I understand to
get these documents.
And I think it’s of interest here
because we're dealing with this
case and these documents and I think classification is important here
in your consideration of these cases because these documents were
classified top secret.
Now they were classified top
secret because some unknown individual
was not presented to the Court whose subjective judgment couldn’t be
explored despite the district judge asking that he’s be brought in.
Perhaps it was a good reason, we
don’t know, decided that they were
top secret, they were all top secret because one was top secret.
There had been no review of these
documents except for a one
individual who said that he had been reviewing them for some two years
for sensitivity and the sensitivity arose from Senator Fulbright's
frequent request to get these documents so the Congress could make the
laws and perhaps the public would be informed.
Justice Hugo L. Black: Does
the record show how long the Post had these documents in his possession.
Mr. William R. Glendon: How
long it is -- in his possession, it does not show Your Honor.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Does it show, if you know how long when there are times have the
documents in their possession before the Post got it?
Mr. William R. Glendon: The
record
in our case does not show that Your Honor, but I have read and perhaps
this gentleman, Mr. Bickel can answer that and I understood they had it
in their possession for some months or month or two.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
I got that impression somewhere, three to four months.
Mr. William R. Glendon: Yes.
Unknown Speaker: I don’t
believe it’s in the record.
Mr. William R. Glendon: It
is not in the record, but that’s my best answer to that.
Now, after this proceeding was
brought and I think again it has
filed the significance of this proceeding and during the course of it,
although starting out at the point that these documents were top secret
and none could be disclosed, the Government has offered to review them
and perhaps some of them they say will be declassified which I suppose
are some sort of admission that the original classification and the
original attitude towards them was wrong.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Of
course it could be that something classified in 1965 and properly but
be no longer subject to classification or even 69 or 70, isn't that
true?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
That is
correct, Your Honor and furthermore, some of these documents were
classified, go back of course to 1945, the documents of that ancient.
The document itself is entitled
the history, it’s called the history and from what I have seen of it,
that’s what it is.
Now, the Court in our case had
before it and Your Honors will see
the evidence which I’m aware that apparently has been -- there has been
today additional references made to the documents, but it is a fact and
I think it’s a significant fact that the judge -- they are asked the
Government to show them a document.
These extravagant claims were made
and I say this respectfully, but, this has been a case of broad claims
and narrow proof.
Substantial claims have been made
and if you accept them, they would be worried, but we’re talking here
about proof.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Was there an order at anytime to produce all the documents in the
possessions of the either of the Newspapers for examination?
Mr. William R. Glendon: The
Government -- there was not Your Honor.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Was there a request for such an order?
Mr. William R. Glendon: The
Government made such a request and because of the concern that the
newspaper has as to protection of its source, the documents we were
advised would indicate the source.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
What you mean that --
Mr. William R. Glendon:
That the documents that we had would indicate the source.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Who denied that request, the District Judge?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Yes, and here is it how it resulted.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
He left that override the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure on discovery?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Here is he resolved the matter, and I think he did it very fairly Your
Honor.
He said if you are not willing to
produce the documents, we do not
have all the documents, but if will not produce all the documents
because of your claim of First Amendment source protection then I will
assume that you have all the documents.
And therefore, the Government can
show me any document, show me any
document and I will accept that as being in your possession for the
purpose of the case.
And I think that was a very -- in
the circumstances, a very fair way to do it.
I --- no more than any other
lawyer like to be In that position, but
I have to respect my client’s assertion which is a substantial and I
think a valid assertion that a newspaper is entitled to protect its
source and so that’s the way it was.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Mr. Glendon, I recall an ancient doctrine of equity that about people
who come into equity and certain burdens on them.
Doesn't it strike you rather
extraordinary that in a case which
largely centers on protection of sources, the newspapers are making and
refusing to reveal documents on the grounds that they must refuse in
order to protect their sources?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Your Honor, I don’t understand that that is the issue here.
I think -- I don’t know --
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
The issue, it say that -- it’s really -- it’s in this case.
Mr. William R. Glendon:
This is only --
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
To the
proceeding and there are certain standards about people coming into
equity, coming in with clean hands as one of them and prepared to do
equity.
Mr. William R. Glendon: We
did not come into equity.
The Government came into equity
but I don’t --
Justice Potter Stewart: You
were brought in?
Mr. William R. Glendon: We
were brought in kicking and screaming, I guess is --[Laughter]
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
You
are now in the possession -- in the position of making demands on First
Amendment and you say the newspaper has a right to protect its sources,
but the Government does not?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
see no conflict, Your Honor, I see no conflict at all.
We're in the position of asking
that there not be a prior restraint
in violation of the Constitution imposed on us and that equity should
no do that.
We are also in the position of
saying that under the First
Amendment, we are entitled to protect our sources, and I find --
frankly I just don’t find any conflict anywhere Your Honor.
The record shows, and I think this
is important in Your Honor's
consideration too, we are, as I said, talking about -- we are talking
about allegedly top secret documents and the record shows that these
misnomers are of the secret and top secret, on and perhaps in the
breech in Washington and the way the Government does business and the
way it has perhaps to do business, but it is certainly true, there is
massive, all the classification of documents in Washington, we have in
the record instances where one Government official or another has quite
clearly indicated that while everything on his desk maybe classified in
one fashion or another, in fact perhaps 1%, 2%, 5% of it really is
classified and I think that’s a realistic fact of life here.
We also have clearly in the record
that the Government and the press
who have some mutual, perhaps antagonism isn’t quiet the word but they
are naturally in opposite corners.
The press is trying to get as much
news as it can.
The Government particularly where
it maybe embarrassing or where it
maybe overly concerned or may feel is embarrassing or may in Judge
Gurfein's words have the jurors is trying to prevent that sometimes.
In other occasions, the Government
engages itself in leaks because
some official will feel that in the public interest, it's well for the
public to know and that overrides any particular judgment of our
security or classification.
And the record Your Honors will
find as replete with instances where
leaks of confidential secret, top secret material have been given to
the press or the press have found them out and published them and of
course nothing has happened.
Now, I think that’s significant
because here, this is sort of thing we feel we're talking about.
As far as classification itself is
concerned and you will remember
that the documents that we are talking about are a mixed bag, they have
--
Justice Byron R. White: Mr.
Glendon, would you be making the same argument if your client had
stolen these papers?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
don’t think that the source, I don’t think that how we acquired on Your
Honor features in this case --
Justice Byron R. White:
Well, then it wouldn’t make any difference, the leak aspect has no --
it has no relevance to the case either then?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
think it’s relevant as background because this is not -- this is the
way that --
Justice Byron R. White:
Well, then it would be relevant if you stole them?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
think so.
Justice Byron R. White: And
you’d be
making the same argument if your client sent an agent into the
Government and stole these papers and then the Government attempted to
restrain publication of them?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
just don’t think that the -- I don’t think that the manner in which we
--
Justice Byron R. White:
Well that one is irrelevant as the other?
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
Well it is because if the Government will leak 47 volumes at the time --
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Well, Your Honor I think if you examine the -- that’s certainly not
true.
That's certainly not customarily
and the size here is different.
But I think that you will find
Your Honors in the affidavits that we
have attached to, and exhibits that we have attached to our affidavits
indicating secret stories, allegedly secret, based on the secret
information.
There’s probably more secret
information there then you will find them into these documents if you
examine them.
I started to --
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
What basis did it have on this case?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
think it’s
simply a matter of background Your Honor and atmosphere to show that
this is not an untoward or unknown situation and when we hear about how
our foreign allies or our foreign friends will be shocked or appalled
or anything else, it’s something not so.
This is -- this happens.
This is one of the facts of life.
I tried to – I was starting to
advert to the District Judge telling
the Government to show it which is what he was supposed to do.
That’s what the Court of Appeals
sent it back for and he requested
to show these documents, these top secret documents, they were in the
Courtroom and the Government was invited and it has been invited to
show and let’s look at what we’re talking about instead of dealing just
with abstractions and conjectures.
Now, this was on the so called
secret transcript and I’m not going
to avert to it other than to say that the one document that the
Government produced in response to this invitation was set forth,
certain options with reference to the war and I won’t go any further
than that, which I think any high school boy would have no difficulty
in either putting together himself or readily understanding.
All of them are on the public
press.
Now this is a sort of proof we've
been faced with and this is the world of whisk that we’ve been chasing.
Justice Harry A. Blackmun:
Well, Mr. Glendon, then I come back to you with the same inquiry I made
to Professor Bickel.
At least, it was close enough to
persuade one judge of the Court of Appeals to disagree with what you’ve
just said?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Well Your Honors -- Your Honor, that is true.
I’d like to avert to fact that the
other members of the Court of
Appeals felt constrained after they read that particular dissent.
Just yesterday they issued an
amendment to their opinion in which
they reiterated that they disagreed with Judge McKinnon – Judge Wilkey,
which to me was some indication of the strength and depth of their
feeling, but Your Honor is right.
There is a Judge Wilkey felt and I
said to Your Honor that that in my -- I say it respectfully is not
based on the record.
There is nothing in the record
that I know off that would and -- I
think I know the record, as far as the one disclose to me there are
some perhaps new material this morning.
Is not -- but as far as the record
has been disclosed to me, there
is absolutely nothing to justify that statement and I -- as I say the
Court of Appeals felt strong enough about it to issue another
statement, to issue an amendment in which they specifically said they
disagree.
Now --
Justice Potter Stewart:
This then really is, the issues in this case really are factual issues,
aren’t they?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Well --
Justice Potter Stewart: I
mean, though I understand it and this is -- that’s my understanding
initially, I haven’t heard anything really to --
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Largely -- yes.
Justice Potter Stewart: --
upon my
understanding, you agree that an injunction could issue despite the
First Amendment if it were shown, proved by the Government that there
was something here, disclosure of which would directly cause a great
irreparable and immediate danger to the country, you agree that an
injunction could issue.
You just simply say they have
shown nothing of the kind, isn’t that right?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
-- they
have shown nothing of that kind or by any other measurable standard
that I understand could possibly be involved in this case.
Would you take the top --?
Justice Potter Stewart: So
that’s a matter of fact?
Mr. William R. Glendon: --
take the
top secret definitions or anything else, yes, but there is something
behind us too as I -- which I think perhaps is illegal issue and that’s
the scope of the review here.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Scope of review of what?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Review of the findings of the District Court.
Justice Potter Stewart: Of
fact, of findings of fact under Rule 52 A, isn’t it?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
That’s right.
Justice Potter Stewart: So
it's factual issue.
Mr. William R. Glendon: Yes
and there is one legal question, perhaps I’ll come later and that is
the futility of an injunction here, but I want to --
Justice Byron R. White:
Well, then I
think if you do a certain comparison, not a single document in these 47
volumes which is now entitled a top secret classification as defined in
the executive orders.
Mr. William R. Glendon: No
sir.
I assert this Your Honor and I’m
involved in the --
Justice Byron R. White: You
said he has testified top secret standard or any other --
Mr. William R. Glendon: Any
other standard I’m talking about.
I don’t -- I think that the
standard is reasonably clear here, but
whether you use words such as gravely prejudice to United States or
irreparably injure the defense of the United States, whatever the
standard maybe.
Justice Byron R. White:
Well some standard as they are more specific by the test to top secret
classification?
Mr. William R. Glendon: Yes.
Justice Byron R. White:
That’s the standard?
Mr. William R. Glendon: Yes
sir.
Justice Byron R. White: You
would say a proper standard (Inaudible)
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Clearly.
Justice Byron R. White: By
any doubt?
Mr. William R. Glendon: By
anything the Government has brought forward.
Justice Byron R. White: By
any doubt that these secrets, I wonder what specified --
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Well Your Honor, the Government came in the Court.
They suspended the First Amendment.
They stopped us from printing and
they said they were going to prove this and this is an injunction
proceeding.
Now, it may be that the Government
would feel that the Court should
become the defense department's security officer and they should --
that the Court should delve into this pile of paper and 47 volumes and
on its own from time to time whenever they so moved.
The Government is so moved that
they should -- the Courts should look from them.
I say Your Honor, in our system,
as I understand it, when you bring
a case; you’re supposed to prove it and when you come in claiming
irreparable injury, particularly in this area of the First Amendment,
you have a very, very heavy burden.
Justice Byron R. White: Do
you agree that Judge Gesell would find the top secret definition he is
going to ask?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Yes, I think that’s -- that that would appear from his opinion.
Justice Byron R. White:
That's what he thinks?
Mr. William R. Glendon: He
looked at it that way from his opinion, yes Your Honor.
As far as I can determine from --
Justice Byron R. White:
(Inaudible)
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Yes, I think that that fits in clearly to what we're talking about
under the doctrine of Near v. Minnesota, yes sir.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
If the Trial Judge used a clearly erroneous standard, then the case is
not simply controlled by facts, is it?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Your Honor I’m sorry --
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
If a
trial judge in these circumstances used a standard to judge the facts
and the standard was clearly erroneous then this is not just a fact
case, is it?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
We’ll, I
think that clearly as I -- clearly erroneous rule would apply to the
facts, what facts he found in that points, Your Honor.
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
But if he used the wrong standard then it ceases to be just a fact case?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Well I fell that he used the right standard.
Your Honors will determine that
here and I think that as far as the
law is concerned that that is substantially the standard whether you
can perhaps use alternative words, but the thing is I think is
immediacy and currency, current injury to the United States as this
Court has -- and so substantial that it justifies what’s been done here.
I mean, it isn’t just that the
United States has been injured.
Judge Gesell made a point which I
think is a very good one that I
think perhaps the Government may forget that the interest of the United
States is the people's interest.
And you are weighing here and this
is why I suppose we are here, you
are weighing here an abridgement of the First Amendment to people’s
right to know and that may be an obstruction of -- but it’s a one
that’s kept this Country and made it great for some 200 years and
you’re being asked to approve something that the Government has never
done before.
We were told by the Attorney
General to stop publishing this news.
We didn’t obey that order and we
are brought into Court and we are ended up being enjoined.
And I try -- I do think that when
you come to that balance in face
of the proof, in face of the proof that exists here that decision is
quiet clear that the First Amendment must survive because they haven’t
made out a case.
Justice John M. Harlan:
Unless the Judge Gurfein stated, they haven't used the same (Inaudible)
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
think essentially that that Justice Harlan.
I’m not --
Justice Potter Stewart:
They did simply the matter of review, did they?
They considered the matter of --
of original findings.
Mr. William R. Glendon: Yes
that’s --
Justice Potter Stewart:
They were reviewing any classification?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
They weren’t reviewing; they were making an original determination.
There wasn’t -- Your Honor the
circumstances and the proof before them, it was not the kind of injury,
the irreparable injury --
Justice Potter Stewart:
There is de novo hearing on whether or not the publication would show.
Mr. William R. Glendon: It
was a de novo hearing.
Justice Potter Stewart: It
wasn’t reviewing any classification by the executive department, was it?
They didn’t consider that that’s
what they were doing.
Mr. William R. Glendon: No,
it
featured in the evidence Your Honor as to how the classification got
put on because that of course is the bedrock in their case.
Justice Potter Stewart:
It’s basically irrelevant, isn’t it?
Mr. William R. Glendon: No,
because the Government says and you must listen, they say, it’s top
secret and that’s it.
Justice Potter Stewart: I
haven’t heard the Solicitor General say that here today at all?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Well that’s my understanding of the whole --
Justice Potter Stewart: I
asked him a question, he said there were those in the Government who
like to make that argument, but he was not pressing it.
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Well it’s
the argument we’ve heard along that -- and you see that having
classified a top secret, they move from there to show no proof.
Justice Potter Stewart: No,
it hasn’t,
the Government has not in this Court made the argument that simply
because it’s top secret, they are entitled to an injunction, they made
that argument?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
was trying to say that having classified the documents top secret.
That’s the premise to their case.
They have not yet come in to this
Court and proven they are top
secret and yet they say we can’t publish them because they are top
secret, isn’t it?
Justice Hugo L. Black: May
I say as I
understand the argument of the court below in the New York Times seems
to me that they have pursued, they have argued it on the premise that
First Amendment, freedom of speech can be abridged by Congress, if it
desires to do so?
Mr. William R. Glendon: I
did not make that argument, Your Honor.
Justice Hugo L. Black: I
understood you didn't, but I did not understand you making the other
argument or your colleague?
Mr. William R. Glendon: No
I do not --
Justice Hugo L. Black: You
talk about standards; I’m not talking about standards.
First Amendments, Congress may no
law abridging freedom of the press.
I understand you to say that
Congress can make a law.
Mr. William R. Glendon: No
Your Honor I do not say that.
Justice Hugo L. Black: You
do not say it?
Mr. William R. Glendon:
Never.
I do not say it.
No sir.
I say we -- we stand Your Honor if
I --
Justice Hugo L. Black: I
had misunderstood both on you?
Mr. William R. Glendon: No
sir, we stand squarely and exclusively on the First Amendment.
Rebuttal of Griswold
Chief Justice Warren E. Burger:
Thank you Mr. Glendon.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr. Solicitor
General, you have about 12 minutes thereabout left.
Mr. Griswold: Mr. Chief
Justice and may it please the Court.
I should like to make it plain
that we are not at all concerned with past events in this case.
We are not interested in
protecting anybody, that should be obvious
enough simply from the date of the materials which are involved.
We are concerned with the present
and future impact of the
publication of some of this material and when I say future, I don’t
mean in the 21st Century, but I also don't mean to limit it to tomorrow
because in this area, events of great consequence to the United States
happen over periods of six months, a year, perhaps two or three years.
What we are concerned with is the
impact on the present and the
reasonably near future of the publication of these events, of these
materials.
Now it is perfectly true that
prior restraint cases with respect to the press are rare or conceivably
nonexistent.
I’m not ready to concede that they
are nonexistent, but I can’t point to one now.
I hadn’t had time to make a really
thorough research.
I did point out that there are
prior restraint cases as recently as
last term with respect to freedom of speech which is the First
Amendment in exactly the same terms as the freedom of the press.
And there is the Associated Press
case which comes about as close to
being a prior restraint on the press case as you can get without
perhaps being technically a prior restraint case.
The reason of course that there
are not prior restraint cases with
respect to the press is that ordinarily you don’t find out about it
until it’s been published.
Reference has been made to the
fact oh!
There are leaks all the time,
there are great many leaks, but I
would point out that there is also a very widespread respect of the
security classification system and its potentiality on the security of
the United States.
Senator Fulbright did not publish
this material.
He sent it to the Secretary of
Defense or requested from the
Secretary of Defense of what use he could make of it and I have seen on
the television other members of Congress who said that they had some of
the material, but felt not appropriate to use it because it was
classified top secret.
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
Mr.
Solicitor General, what particularly words made at this point, as I
assume that there are not studies now are being made, in the future
there will be study made about Combodio, Louse (ph) you name it and if
you prevail in this case, then in any incidents that anybody comes
about any of those studies, a temporary restraining order will
automatically issued, am I correct?
Mr. Griswold: It’s hard for
me to answer the question in such broad terms.
I think that if properly
classified materials are improperly
acquired and that it can be shown that they do have a -- an immediate
or current impact on the security of the United States that there ought
to be an -- there ought to be an injunction.
Now I think it is relevant at this
point --
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
Well wouldn't we then be, the federal courts be the censorship board as
to rather this judge --
Mr. Griswold: That's a
pejorative way to put it Mr. Justice.
I don’t know what the alternative
is.
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
That’s what I thought --
Mr. Griswold: The --
Justice Thurgood Marshall:
-- a First Amendment violation.[Laughter]
Mr. Griswold: Yes, Mr.
Justice and we are of course fully supporting the First Amendment.
The -- we do not claim or suggest
any exception of the First
Amendment and we do not agree with Mr. Glendon when he says that we set
aside the First Amendment or that Judge Gesell or the two Courts of
Appeals in this case have set aside the First Amendment by issuing the
injunction which they have.
The problem in this case is the
construction of the First Amendment.
Now Mr. Justice Black, your
construction of that is well known and I certainly respect it.
You say that no law means no law
and that should be obvious.
And I can only say Mr. Justice
that to me, it is equally obvious
that no law does not mean no law and I would seek to persuade the Court
that that is true.
As Chief Justice Marshall said so
long ago, it is a Constitution we
are interpreting and all we ask for here is the construction of the
Constitution in the light of the fact that it is a part of the
Constitution and that there are other parts of the Constitution which
grants powers and responsibilities to the executive.
And that the First Amendment was
not intended to make it impossible
for the executive to function or to protect the security of the United
States.
Now, it’s been suggested that the
Government move very slowly in this matter, that the Time started
publishing on Sunday.
Well actually it was on Monday
which is pretty fast as the
Government operates in terms of the consultations that had to be made.
The policy decisions it had to be
made.
On Monday, the Attorney General
sent a telegram to the New York Times, asked them to stop and to return
the documents.
The New York Times refused and on
Tuesday, the United States started this suit.
It’s suggested that there had been
full hearing, everything has been
carefully and thoroughly considered, but there is clear evidence of
haste in both records and this is apparent from the Times which have
been stated and I would like to point out that even now at this point,
the hearing is on the question whether a preliminary injunction should
be granted.
The only hearings that have been
held in any Courts are as to whether a preliminary injunction should be
granted.
They were no intended to be full
plenary trials, but merely sufficient to show the probability of
possible success.
There is simply was not time to
prepare a comprehensive listing or a comprehensive array of expert
witnesses.
The Government relied on the fact
that the District Judge would
examine the study and he on the record, concededly refused to do so.
This was at the heart of the
decision of the Court of Appeals for
the Second Circuit in its decision to remand for a full week of
hearings on the merits.
Justice Potter Stewart: I’m
not sure I understand what you said.
The Court of Appeals relied on the
assumption that the District
Judge would examine the evidence and that the District Judge refused to
do so --
Mr. Griswold: No.
That there had not been a full
hearing with respect to this --
Justice Potter Stewart:
Now, which case we’re talking about now?
Mr. Griswold: I’m talking
about the New York
Times, this case is in the Second Circuit, and the Second Circuit sent
it back to the Judge for rehearing with --
Justice Potter Stewart: As
I understood
it, there was no claim that Judge Gurfein didn’t consider everything
that was then before him that the new matter was brought to the
attention of the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.
Mr. Griswold: No, the
contrary Mr. Justice, the full 47 volumes were offered Judge Gurfein --
Justice Potter Stewart: Oh!
I know that --
Mr. Griswold: -- and he
refused to examine.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Well he said he did not, he didn’t refuse to, he failed to.
Mr. Griswold: No, Mr.
Justice, he wouldn’t examine them.
Justice Potter Stewart: He
said he didn’t have time to, but he did ask the Government to -- please
bring forward the worst and that’s --
Mr. Griswold: No, I think
that really came at a later stage in that case.
Justice Potter Stewart: And
that new matter was brought to the attention of the Second Circuit
Court of Appeals.
Mr. Griswold: Was brought
to the attention of
the Second Circuit Court of Appeals and they sent it back not for an
instant hearing, but for one limited, properly so.
Everything about this case has
been fronted.
That seems to me to be the most
unfortunate and I would like to point out that the New York --
Justice Potter Stewart:
Probably the
reason is, of course as you know Mr. Solicitor General that unless the
constitutional laws that now exists is changed, a prior restraint or
publication by a newspaper is presumably unconstitutional?
Mr. Griswold: It is a very
serious matter.
There is no doubt about it and so
is the security of the United
States a very serious matter and we have two important constitutional
objectives here which have to be weighed and balanced and made as
harmonious as they can be.
But, it is well know that at the
Times had this material for three months.
It’s only after the Times has had
an opportunity to digest it and it
took them three months to digest it, that it became necessary to be
frantic about it.
It wasn’t so terribly important to
get it out and get it to the
public while the Times were working over it, but after that, now the
Times finds it extremely difficult to except an opportunity for the
Courts to have an adequate chance first to resolve the extremely
difficult question of the proper construction of the First Amendment in
this situation and I can see that’s an extremely difficult question.
And if it -- if the proper
construction is the one which Mr. Justice
Black has taken for a long time and is well known, of course, there’s
nothing more to be said, but our contention is that that is not the
proper construction.
Justice Potter Stewart:
Well then -- and your brother counsel on the other side don’t disagree
with you Mr. Solicitor General.
They don’t take Mr. Justice
Black’s position, at least for purposes of argument in this case?
Mr. Griswold: Very
reluctantly, they were
pushed into conceding that there might be some cases where there could
be those suggested in the opinion --
Justice Potter Stewart: Mr.
Glendon said that he thought judge Gazelle's standard was the correct
one.
Mr. Bickel said that he was not in
no claim that the -- that there’s an absolute prohibition of the prior
restraint?
Mr. Griswold: Well, frankly
I don’t think
it’s much of a limitation to say that it can be enjoined if it will
result in a break of diplomatic relations or a war tomorrow and as I
have already said, we think the standard used by Judge Gesell is wrong.
Unknown Speaker: Do you
think they are differ from the standards (Inaudible)
Mr. Griswold: Well I think
-- I’m sorry Mr. Justice.
Unknown Speaker: I say, do
you think that the standards of Judge Gesell used were different from
those which Judge Gurfein used?
Mr. Griswold: I’m not sure
what standard Judge Gurfein used.
Judge Gesell, because much of this
material Judge Gurfein did not have specifically called to his
attention.
The standard which Judge Gesell
used is to say that unless it comes
within that illustrative language and the definition of top secret that
it does not meet the requirement and I contend that that is wrong.
I believe and have sought to show
in the closed brief which is filed
here that there are materials and there are items in this material
which will affect the problem of the termination of the war in Vietnam
which will affect negotiations such as the SALT talks which affects the
security of United States vitality over a long period and which will
affect the problem of return of prisoners of war.
And I suggest that, however, it is
formulating, the standard ought
to be one which will make it possible to prevent the publication of
materials which will have those consequences.
Unknown Speaker: It’s
still not clear as to the
basis for your view that the case should be -- the District of Columbia
case should be remanded.
I got it originally from your
papers that you thought that should be
remanded in order to have the fuller hearing that the Court of Appeals
ordered them lacking before (Inaudible) and this morning you --