In the above-entitled cause, the Clerk will enter:
The judgment of the superior court upholding the constitutionality of
Vermont marriage statutes under Chapter I, Article 7 of the Vermont
Constitution is reversed. The effect of the Court's decision is suspended,
and jurisdiction is retained in this Court, to permit the Legislature to
consider and enact legislation consistent with the constitutional mandate
Jeffrey L. Amestoy, Chief Justice
Opinion by Chief Justice Amestoy
May the State of Vermont exclude same-sex couples from the benefits
and protections that its laws provide to opposite-sex married couples?
That is the fundamental question we address in this appeal, a question
that the Court well knows arouses deeply-felt religious, moral, and political
beliefs. Our constitutional responsibility to consider the legal merits
of issues properly before us provides no exception for the controversial
case. The issue before the Court, moreover, does not turn on the religious
or moral debate over intimate same-sex relationships, but rather on the
statutory and constitutional basis for the exclusion of
same-sex couples from the secular benefits and protections offered married couples.
We conclude that under the Common Benefits Clause of the Vermont Constitution,
which, in pertinent part, reads, "That government is, or ought to be, instituted
for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation,
or community, and not for the particular emolument or advantage of any
single person, family, or set of persons, who are a part only of that community",
Vt. Const., ch. I, art 7., plaintiffs may not be deprived of the statutory
benefits and protections afforded persons of the opposite sex who choose
to marry. We hold that the State is constitutionally required to extend
to same-sex couples the common benefits and protections that flow from
marriage under Vermont law. Whether this ultimately takes the form of
inclusion within the marriage laws themselves or a parallel "domestic partnership" system or some equivalent statutory alternative, rests with the Legislature. Whatever system is chosen, however, must conform with the constitutional imperative to afford all Vermonters the common benefit, protection, and security of the law.
Plaintiffs are three same-sex couples who have lived together in committed
relationships for periods ranging from four to twenty-five years. Two of
the couples have raised children together. Each couple applied for a marriage
license from their respective town clerk, and each was refused a license
as ineligible under the applicable state marriage laws. Plaintiffs thereupon
filed this lawsuit against defendants -- the State of Vermont, the Towns of Milton and Shelburne, and the City of South Burlington -- seeking a declaratory judgment that the refusal to issue them a license violated the marriage statutes and the Vermont Constitution....
Assuming that the marriage statutes preclude their eligibility for a
marriage license, plaintiffs contend that the exclusion violates their
right to the common benefit and protection of the law guaranteed by Chapter
I, Article 7 of the Vermont Constitution. They note that in denying them
access to a civil marriage license, the law effectively excludes them from
a broad array of legal benefits and protections incident to the marital
relation, including access to a spouse's medical, life, and disability
insurance, hospital visitation and other medical decisionmaking privileges,
spousal support, intestate succession, homestead protections, and many
other statutory protections. They claim the trial court erred in upholding
the law on the basis that it reasonably
served the State's interest in promoting the "link between procreation and child rearing." They argue that the large number of married couples without children, and the increasing incidence of same-sex couples with children, undermines the State's rationale. They note that Vermont law affirmatively guarantees the right to adopt and raise children regardless of the sex of the parents, and challenge the logic of a legislative scheme that recognizes the rights of same-sex partners as parents, yet denies them -- and their children -- the same security as spouses.
In considering this issue, it is important to emphasize at the outset that it is the Common Benefits Clause of the Vermont Constitution we are construing, rather than its counterpart, the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution....
In understanding the import of the Common Benefits Clause, this Court
has often referred to principles developed by the federal courts in applying
the Equal Protection Clause. At the same time, however, we have recognized
that "[a]lthough the provisions have some similarity of purpose, they are
not identical." Indeed, recent Vermont decisions reflect a very
different approach from current federal jurisprudence. That approach may be described as broadly deferential to the legislative prerogative to define and advance governmental ends, while vigorously ensuring that the means chosen bear a just and reasonable relation to the governmental objective.
Although our decisions over the last few decades have routinely invoked
the rhetoric of suspect class favored by the federal courts, there are
notable exceptions....Vermont courts -- having "access to specific legislative
history and all other proper resources" to evaluate the object and effect
of State laws -- would engage in a meaningful, case-specific analysis to
ensure that any exclusion from the general benefit and protection of the
law would bear a just and reasonable relation to the
Although it is accurate to point out that our decisions have consistently
recited the federal rational-basis/strict-scrutiny
tests, it is equally fair to observe that we have been less than consistent in their application. Just as commentators have noted the United States Supreme Court's obvious yet unstated deviations from the rational-basis standard, so have this Court's holdings often departed from the federal test....
"Labels aside," Vermont case law has consistently demanded in practice
that statutory exclusions from publicly-conferred benefits and protections
must be "premised on an appropriate and overriding public interest."
The rigid categories utilized by the federal courts under the Fourteenth
Amendment find no support in our early case law and, while routinely cited,
effectively ignored in our more recent decisions....
The words of the Common Benefits Clause are revealing. While they do
not, to be sure, set forth a fully-formed standard of analysis for determining
the constitutionality of a given statute, they do express broad principles
which usefully inform that
analysis. Chief among these is the principle of inclusion. As explained more fully in the discussion that follows, the specific proscription against governmental favoritism toward not only groups or "set[s] of men," but also toward any particular "family" or "single man," underscores the framers' resentment of political preference of any kind. The affirmative right to the "common benefits and protections" of government and the corollary proscription of favoritism in the distribution of public "emoluments and advantages" reflect the framers' overarching objective "not only that everyone enjoy equality before the law or have an equal voice in government but also that everyone have an equal share in the fruits of the common enterprise." Thus, at its core the Common Benefits Clause expressed a vision of government that afforded every Vermonter its benefit and protection and provided no Vermonter particular advantage....
These and other provisions have led one historian to observe that Vermont's
first charter was the "most democratic
constitution produced by any of the American states." The historical origins of the Vermont Constitution thus reveal that
the framers, although enlightened for their day, were not principally concerned with civil rights for African-Americans and other minorities, but with equal access to public benefits and protections for the community as a whole. The concept of equality at the core of the Common Benefits Clause was not the eradication of racial or class distinctions, but rather the elimination of artificial governmental preferments and advantages. The Vermont Constitution would ensure that the law uniformly afforded every Vermonter its benefit, protection, and security so that social and political preeminence would reflect differences of capacity, disposition, and virtue, rather than governmental favor and privilege.
The language and history of the Common Benefits Clause thus reinforce the conclusion that a relatively uniform standard, reflective of the inclusionary principle at its core, must govern our analysis of laws challenged under the Clause. Accordingly, we conclude that this approach, rather than the rigid, multi-tiered analysis evolved by the federal courts under the Fourteenth Amendment, shall direct our inquiry under Article 7....Our concern here is with delineating, not with labelling the excluded class as "suspect," "quasi-suspect," or "non-suspect" for purposes of determining different levels of judicial scrutiny.
We look next to the government's purpose in drawing a classification that includes some members of the community within the scope of the challenged law but excludes others. Consistent with Article 7's guiding principle of affording the protection and benefit of the law to all members of the Vermont community, we examine the nature of the classification to determine whether it is reasonably necessary to accomplish the State's claimed objectives....
With these general precepts in mind, we turn to the question of whether
the exclusion of same-sex couples from the benefits and protections incident
to marriage under Vermont law contravenes Article 7. The first step in
our analysis is to identify
the nature of the statutory classification. As noted, the marriage statutes apply expressly to opposite-sex couples. Thus, the statutes exclude anyone who wishes to marry someone of the same sex. Next, we must identify the governmental purpose or purposes to be served by the statutory classification. The principal purpose the State advances in support of the excluding same-sex couples from the legal benefits of marriage is the government's interest in "furthering the link between procreation and child rearing." The State has a strong interest, it argues, in promoting a permanent commitment between couples who have
children to ensure that their offspring are considered legitimate and receive ongoing parental support. The State contends, further, that the Legislature could reasonably believe that sanctioning same-sex unions "would diminish society's perception of the link between procreation and child rearing . . . [and] advance the notion that fathers or mothers . . are mere surplusage to the functions of procreation and child rearing." The State argues that since same-sex couples cannot conceive a child on their own, state-sanctioned same-sex unions "could be seen by the Legislature to separate further the connection between procreation and parental responsibilities for raising children." Hence, the Legislature is justified, the State concludes, "in using the marriage statutes to send a public message that procreation and child rearing are intertwined."
Do these concerns represent valid public interests that are reasonably furthered by the exclusion of same-sex couples from the benefits and protections that flow from the marital relation? It is beyond dispute that the State has a legitimate and long-standing interest in promoting a permanent commitment between couples for the security of their children. It is equally undeniable that the State's interest has been advanced by extending formal public sanction and protection to the union, or marriage, of those couples considered capable of having children, i.e., men and women. And there is no doubt that the overwhelming majority of births today continue to result from natural conception between one man and one woman.
It is equally undisputed that many opposite-sex couples marry for reasons unrelated to procreation, that some of these couples never intend to have children, and that others are incapable of having children. Therefore, if the purpose of the statutory exclusion of same-sex couples is to "further the link between procreation and child rearing," it is significantly under-inclusive. The law extends the benefits and protections of marriage to many persons with no logical connection to the stated governmental goal.
Furthermore, while accurate statistics are difficult to obtain, there is no dispute that a significant number of children today are actually being raised by same-sex parents, and that increasing numbers of children are being conceived by such parents through a variety of assisted-reproductive techniques.
Thus, with or without the marriage sanction, the reality today is that
increasing numbers of same-sex couples are employing increasingly efficient
assisted-reproductive techniques to conceive and raise children. The Vermont
Legislature has not
only recognized this reality, but has acted affirmatively to remove legal barriers so that same-sex couples may legally adopt and rear the children conceived through such efforts.
Therefore, to the extent that the State's purpose in licensing civil
marriage was, and is, to legitimize children and provide for their
security, the statutes plainly exclude many same-sex couples who are no different from opposite-sex couples with respect to these objectives. If anything, the exclusion of same-sex couples from the legal protections incident to marriage exposes their children to the precise risks that theState argues the marriage laws are designed to secure against. In short, the marital exclusion treats persons who are similarly situated for purposes of the law, differently....
The question thus becomes whether the exclusion of a relatively small
but significant number of otherwise qualified same-sex couples from the
same legal benefits and protections afforded their opposite-sex counterparts
contravenes the mandates of Article 7. It is, of course, well settled that
statutes are not necessarily unconstitutional because they fail to extend
legal protection to all who are similarly situated.... We turn, accordingly,
from the principal justifications advanced by the State
to the interests asserted by plaintiffs.
As noted, in determining whether a statutory exclusion reasonably relates
to the governmental purpose it is appropriate to consider the history and
significance of the benefits denied. What do these considerations reveal
about the benefits and
protections at issue here? In Loving v. Virginia (1967), the United States Supreme Court, striking down Virginia's anti-
miscegenation law, observed that "[t]he freedom to marry has long been recognized as one of the vital personal rights." The Court's point was clear; access to a civil marriage license and the multitude of legal benefits, protections, and obligations that flow from it significantly enhance the quality of life in our society.
The Supreme Court's observations in Loving merely acknowledged what many states, including Vermont, had long recognized. One hundred thirty-seven years before Loving, this Court characterized the reciprocal rights and responsibilities flowing from the marriage laws as "the natural rights of human nature." Early decisions recognized that a marriage contract, although similar to other civil agreements, represents much more because once formed, the law imposes a variety of obligations, protections, and benefits. In short, the marriage laws transform a private agreement into a source of significant public benefits and protections.
While the laws relating to marriage have undergone many changes during
the last century, largely toward the goal of equalizing the status of husbands
and wives, the benefits of marriage have not diminished in value. On the
contrary, the benefits and protections incident to a marriage license under
Vermont law have never been greater. They include, for example, the right
to receive a portion of the estate of a spouse who dies intestate and protection
against disinheritance through elective share
provisions; preference in being appointed as the personal representative of a spouse who dies intestate; the right to bring a lawsuit for the wrongful death of a spouse; the right to bring an action for loss of consortium; the right to workers' compensation survivor benefits; the right to spousal benefits statutorily guaranteed to public employees, including health, life,disability, and accident insurance; the opportunity to be covered as a spouse under group life insurance policies issued to an employee; the opportunity to be covered as the insured's spouse under an individual health insurance policy; the right to claim an evidentiary privilege for marital communications; homestead rights and protections; the presumption of joint ownership of property and the concomitant right of survivorship; hospital visitation and other rights incident to the medical treatment of a family member; and the right to receive, and the obligation to provide, spousal support, maintenance, and property division in the event of
separation or divorce.
While other statutes could be added to this list, the point is clear.
The legal benefits and protections flowing from a marriage license are
of such significance that any statutory exclusion must necessarily be grounded
on public concerns of sufficient weight, cogency, and authority that the
justice of the deprivation cannot seriously be questioned. Considered in
light of the extreme logical disjunction between the classification and
the stated purposes of the law -- protecting children and "furthering the
link between procreation and child rearing" -- the exclusion falls substantially
short of this standard. The laudable
governmental goal of promoting a commitment between married couples to promote the security of their children and the community as a whole provides no reasonable basis for denying the legal benefits and protections of marriage to same-sex couples, who are no differently situated with respect to this goal than their opposite-sex counterparts. Promoting a link between procreation and childrearing similarly fails to support the exclusion. We turn, accordingly, to the remaining interests identified by
the State in support of the statutory exclusion.
The State asserts that a number of additional rationales could support
a legislative decision to exclude same-sex partners from the statutory
benefits and protections of marriage. Among these are the State's purported
interests in "promoting child rearing in a setting that provides both male
and female role models," minimizing the legal complications of surrogacy
contracts and sperm donors, "bridging differences" between the sexes, discouraging
marriages of convenience for tax, housing or other benefits, maintaining
uniformity with marriage laws in other states, and generally protecting
marriage from "destabilizing changes." The most substantive of the State's
remaining claims relates to the issue of childrearing. It is conceivable
that the Legislature could conclude that opposite-sex partners offer advantages
in this area, although we note that child-development experts disagree
and the answer is decidedly uncertain. The argument, however, contains
a more fundamental flaw, and that is the Legislature's endorsement of a
policy diametrically at odds with the State's claim. In 1996, the Vermont
General Assembly enacted, and the
Governor signed, a law removing all prior legal barriers to the adoption of children by same-sex couples. In light of these express policy choices, the State's arguments that Vermont public policy favors opposite-sex over same-sex parents or
disfavors the use of artificial reproductive technologies, are patently without substance.
Similarly, the State's argument that Vermont's marriage laws serve a
substantial governmental interest in maintaining uniformity with other
jurisdictions cannot be reconciled with Vermont's recognition of unions,
such as first-cousin marriages, not uniformly sanctioned in other
states. Thus, the State's claim that Vermont's marriage laws were
adopted because the Legislature sought to conform to those of the other
forty-nine states is not only speculative, but refuted by two relevant
which demonstrate that uniformity with other jurisdictions has not been a governmental purpose....
Finally, it is suggested that the long history of official intolerance
of intimate same-sex relationships cannot be reconciled with an
interpretation of Article 7 that would give state-sanctioned benefits and protection to individuals of the same sex who commit to a permanent domestic relationship. We find the argument to be unpersuasive for several reasons. First, to the extent that state action historically has been motivated by an animus against a class, that history cannot provide a legitimate basis for
continued unequal application of the law. Second, whatever claim may be made in light of the undeniable fact that federal
and state statutes -- including those in Vermont -- have historically disfavored same-sex relationships, more recent legislation plainly undermines the contention. See, e.g., Laws of Vermont, 1977, No. 51, § 2, 3 (repealing former § 2603 of Title 13, which criminalized fellatio). In 1991, Vermont was one of the first states to enact statewide legislation prohibiting discrimination in employment, housing, and other services based on sexual orientation. Furthermore, as noted earlier, recent enactments of the General Assembly have removed barriers to adoption by same-sex couples, and have extended legal rights and protections to such couples who dissolve their "domestic relationship."
Thus, viewed in the light of history, logic, and experience, we conclude
that none of the interests asserted by the State provides a reasonable
and just basis for the continued exclusion of same-sex couples from the
benefits incident to a civil marriage license under Vermont law. Accordingly,
in the faith that a case beyond the imagining of the framers of our Constitution
may, nevertheless, be safely anchored in the values that infused it, we
find a constitutional obligation to extend to plaintiffs the common benefit,
protection, and security that Vermont law provides opposite-sex married
couples.It remains only to determine the appropriate means and scope of
relief compelled by this constitutional mandate....
DOOLEY, J., concurring.
Vermont's legal climate differs considerably from that in other jurisdictions where courts have held that lesbians and gay men are not a suspect classification....In this concurrence, I do not detail a suspect-classification analysis, but I can summarize my opinion by saying that I agree with the general framework adopted by the Oregon courts...
More importantly, I cannot endorse, in this vitally important area of constitutional review, a standard that relies wholly on factors and balancing, with no mooring in any criteria or guidelines, however imperfect they may be.... For the above reasons, I concur in the mandate, but respectfully disagree with Part II of the Court's decision, the majority's rationale for reaching this mandate.
JOHNSON, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part.
Plaintiffs come before this Court claiming that the State has unconstitutionally deprived them of the benefits of marriage based solely upon a discriminatory classification that violates their civil rights. They ask the Court to remedy the unlawful discrimination by enjoining the State and its municipalities from denying them the license that serves to identify the persons entitled to those benefits. The majority agrees that the Common Benefits Clause of the Vermont Constitution entitles plaintiffs to obtain the same benefits and protections as those bestowed upon married opposite-sex couples, yet it declines to give them any relief other than an exhortation to the Legislature to deal with the problem. I concur with the majority's holding, but I respectfully dissent from its novel and truncated remedy, which in my view abdicates this Court's constitutional duty to redress violations of constitutional rights. I would grant the requested relief and enjoin defendants from denying plaintiffs a marriage license based solely on the sex of the applicants....
The majority declares that the issue before this Court does not turn
on the heated moral debate over intimate same-sex relationships, and further,
that this Court has a constitutional responsibility to consider the legal
merits of even controversial cases. Yet, notwithstanding these pronouncements,
the majority elects to send plaintiffs to an uncertain fate in the political
caldron of that very same moral debate. And to what end? Passing this case
on to the Legislature will not alleviate the
instability and uncertainty that the majority seeks to avoid, and will unnecessarily entangle this Court in the Legislature's efforts to accommodate the majority's mandate within a "reasonable period of time...."
Exploring Constitutional Conflicts